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MEMOIRS OF THE 
COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


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Volume II—181 §a1819 ©) 
Volume TB lesos thes 
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MEMOIRS OF THE 
COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


1820-1830 


EDITED FROM THE ORIGINAL MS. 
BY — 


M. CHARLES NICOULLAUD - 
III 


WITH PORTRAIT 


CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS 
~NEW YORK 3:: :: :: i: tr i: 1908 


Copyright, 1908, by 
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS 


Published February, 1908 


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CONTENTS 


CHAPTER I 


The Princesse de Poix—Her salon—Anecdote concerning the Prin- 
cesse d’Hénin—The Comtesse Charles de Damas—The Abbé 
de Montesquieu—The Comte de Lally Tollendal—Salon of the 
Marquise de Montcalm—Family connections of the Duc de 
Richelieu—The Duchesse de Richelieu—Mesdames de Mont- 
calm and de Jumilhac . : 4 : ? Pp. 1-11 


CHAPTER II 


The carnival of 1820—The Palais Royal—Ball at the Elysée—Hu- 
mour of the Duc de Berry—Masked Ball given by M. Gref- 
fulhe—Masquerade at the house of M. de La Briche—Assas- 
sination of the Duc de Berry—His courage—Details of the event 
—Ill feeling against Comte Decazes—He is obliged to resign— 
The Duc de Richelieu takes his place—Promises of Monsieur 

Pp. 12-29 
CHAPTER III 


Second Ministry of the Duc de Richelieu—Presents sent by mis- 

take to the Duc de Castries—Trial of Louvel—Intrigues of the 

* Ultra party—The Duchesse de Berry takes part in them—The 

execution of Louvel—Political agitation—Institutions founded 

at Chambéry by M. de Boigne—M. Lainé—Queen Caroline of 

England—Her conduct in Savoy—Birth of the Duc de Bordeaux 

—Observation by General Pozzo—Promotion of Knight Com- 
manders . A ; : : : ; ; . Pp. 30-46 


CHAPTER IV 


Military insurrection—Congress of Troppau—Tact of Prince Met- 
ternich—He is reconciled to the Emperor Alexander—Conduct 
of the old King of Naples—The Pawra—Description of it—In- 
surrection in Piedmont—The Prince de Carignan—Conduct of 
General Bubna at Milan—Death of the Emperor Napoleon 

Pp. 47-56 


v 


vi CONTENTS 


CHAPTER V 


Intrigues against the Ministry—Mme. du Cayla—Resignation of the 
Ministry—Conversation with Monsieur—The King’s anxiety— 
The Ministry of M. de Villéle—His character—The Congrega- 
tion—Its projects . , ’ : : ; ; Pp. 57-72 


CHAPTER VI 


Death of the Duc de Richelieu—Persevering affection of the Queen 
of Sweden—Her grief—Death of Lord Londonderry—M. de 
Chateaubriand as Ambassador at London—He finds the post 
wearisome—The Vicomte de Montmorency—Congress of Ve- 
rona—The Duc Mathieu de Montmorency—His life and death 

Pp. 73-90 

CHAPTER VII | 


Mme. de Duras secures the appointment of the Duc de Rauzan as 
Director of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—Spanish War— 
Departure of the Duc d’Angouléme—Intrigue at Bayonne— 
Cleverness of Ouvrard—Intrigues of the Ultra party—Prudence 
of the Duc d’Angouléme—Ill-feeling against him—Mme. de 
Meffray—The Spanish campaign—Capture of the Trocadero ~ 
—Conduct of the Prince de Carignan—The grenadiers give him _ 
woollen epaulettes—Observation upon this subject by the Duc 
de Reichstadt—Madame at Bordeaux—The Baron de Damas 
takes the place of the Marshal de Bellune—Return of the Duc 
d’Angouléme 2 


CHAPTER VIII 


e 


The Duc de Rovigo and Prince de Talleyrand—The country seat of 
Saint Ouen—Details of this festivity—The Duc de Doudeau- 
ville replaces the Marquis de Lauriston as Minister of the 
King’s Household—Lauriston is appointed Marshal of France 

Pp. I05-I11 


CHAPTER Ix 


The Duc de Rochefoucauld Liancourt is deprived of his sinecures— 
The execution of four young subalterns—Government elections 
—Recall of M. de Chateaubriand—His anger—The indemnity 
to the émigrés and the conversion of Government stock—The 
Archbishop of Paris, M. de Quélen—Political position of M. 
de Villéle—Father Elisée—Objection of the King to leave the 
Tuileries—His motives : : : . ‘ Pp. 112-122 


CONTENTS vii 


CHAPTER X 


Last illness of King Louis XVIII.—Adroitness of Mme. du Cayla— 
The King’s death—The Dauphin is asked to take precedence— 
The King’s funeral—The title of ‘‘Madame’”’ is refused to the 
Duchesse de Berry—The title of Royal Highness is given to the 
Princes d’Orléans—Reception at Saint Cloud—Entry into 
Paris of King Charles X.  . : : ; , Pp. 123-132 


CHAPTER XI 


The Dauphin enters the Council—Demands of the Congregation— 
Law upon sacrilege—Attitude of the Prince towards the army— 
Evening receptions given by the Dauphine—The Duchesse de 
Berry at Rosny—Her habits—Her tastes—Her popularity— 
Coronation of the King at Reims—Festivities at Paris 

Pp. 133-144 
CHAPTER XII 


The Austrian Ambassador refuses to recognise the titles of the mar- 
shals of the Empire—Receptions at the palace—Theatrical 
performances at the Tuileries—The indemnity for the émigrés— 
The three per cents—Influence of the clerical party—Birth of 
Jeanne d’Osmond . ; ; 5 ; ‘ Pp. 145-155 


CHAPTER XIII 


Death of the Emperor Alexander—The anxieties of his last years— 
Mission of the Duc de Raguse to the Emperor Nicholas—Death 
of Talma—M. de Talleyrand is assaulted by Maubreuil 
Pp. 156-163 


CHAPTER XIV 


The law upon the right of primogeniture—Funeral of the Duc de 
Liancourt—Disbanding of the National Guard—Sosthéne de 
La Rochefoucauld and M. de Villéle—The King at the camp of 
Saint Omer—Projects of the Ultra ante of the 
Dauphin . é ; ; : : . Pp. 104172 


CHAPTER XV 


The battle of Navarino—The elections of 1827—The society known 
as ‘God helps those who help themselves’’—Intrigues of the 
Ultra party—The fall of M. de Villéle—Visit of Dom Miguel to 


Vill CONTENTS 


Paris—The Martignac Ministry—Disappointment of M. de 
Chateaubriand—He accepts the Embassy at Rome—Fresh in- 


trigue of M. de Polignac—Strange freak of nature . Pp. 173-187 


CHAPTER XVI 


Change in the Dauphin’s attitude—The Baron de Damas as guard- 
ian of the Duc de Bordeaux—Ordinance of June 1828 against 
the Jesuits—Journey of the King in Alsace—Ball at the house 
of the Duchesse de Berry—The little Mademoiselle—The edu- 


cation of the young Duc de Bordeaux . ‘ : Pp. 188-200 


CHAPTER XVII 


M. Pasquier declines the portfolio of Foreign Affairs—Conversation 
of the King with the Duc de Mortemart—Campaign of the 
Russians against the Turks—The King declares for the Em- 
peror Nicholas—Intrigues in the Chamber of Deputies—Re- 
turn of M. de Chateaubriand—Death of the Bishop of Beauvais 
—Progress of the clerical party—Difference in the King’s lan- 
guage to M. de Martignac and M. de La Ferronnays— 


Prophecies unfulfilled : : : : . GP p.-2oraaes 


CHAPTER XVIII 


Fall of the Martignac Ministry—General outcry against the Polig- 
nac Ministry—Refusal of Admiral de Rigny—Resignation of 
M. de Chateaubriand—Marriage proposal for the Princesse 
Louise d’Orléans—Illness of the Duchesse d’Orléans—Ovation 
given to M. de Lafayette in Dauphiné—The Jesuit party de- 
feats the Ultra party—The King believes himself able to justify 
M. de Bourmont—Marshal Marmont secures a decision for the 
Algerian expedition—He is Growncs tricked by M. de Bour- 


mont—The Marshal’s fury : ; ‘ Pp. 213-229 


CHAPTER XIX 


New Year’s Day, 1830—Charity ball at the Opéra—Royal session 
at the Louvre—The King drops his hat and the Duc d’Orléans 
picks it up—Will of the Duc de Bourbon—The African expedi- 
tion—Observation by M. de Bourmont—The King and Ad- 
miral Duperré—Journey of the Dauphin to Toulon—MM. de 


Chantelauze and Capelle join the Ministry . « | Ppp eaceaas 


CONTENTS ix 


CHAPTER XX 


Abolition of the Salic law in Spain—Impression of the Dauphine— 
The court of Naples at Paris—Ball given by the Duchesse de 
Berry—Ball at the Palais Royal—lIllness of General de Boigne 
—His death—Conflagrations in Normandy—lInsurrection at 
Montauban—Departure of the Neapolitan sovereigns—Mod- 
eration of the Dauphine—Capture of Algiers—The July 
ordinances—The secret kept—Short-sightedness and incapac- 
ity of M.de Polignac . : s : Y : Pp. 242-255 


CHAPTER XXI 


Note written in 1837—March 1814 and July 1830—-The Moniteur 
at Saint Cloud—The Duchesse de Berry—The Duc de Raguse 
learns of the coup d’état—His opinion—Appearance of the 
streets—Count Apponyi and General Pozzo with M. de Polig- 
nac—Differences of their opinions—The first popular rising— 
Strange attitude of M. de Polignac—Agitation in the town— 
The workmen . : : 2 é : : Pp. 256-264 


CHAPTER XXII 


Visit to Neuilly—Regrets of Mademoiselle—Conversation with 
Mme. de Montjoie—Observation of M. de Sémonville— 
Alarming news—The first barricades—Pozzo maintains the 
right of nations to punish perjured kings—M. de Girardin— 
Appearance of the streets on Wednesday morning—Conference 
with M. Pasquier—Message to the Duc de Raguse—Conversa- 
tion with M. de La Rue, his aide-de-camp—Colonel Fabvier 
—The first cannon shot—Patrol in the Rue d’Anjou—The in- 
surgents seek arms. : ; és 2 é Pp. 265-277 


CHAPTER XXIII 


‘ Resumption of the conflict—Tactics of the insurgents—At the Porte 
Saint Martin—The tocsin—The black flag—Alarming ru- 
mours—Manufacture of cartridges at the Bourse—Impossi- 
bility of leaving Paris—Illusion of the Duc de Raguse— 
Barricades in the Rue d’Anjou—God protects good mothers— 
Marshal Marmont declines to fire upon groups containing 
women and children—Opinion of the Duc de Rauzan—M. 
Arago and the Duc de Raguse—Observation of M. de Polignac 
—Request of the Dauphin to M. Arago—Capture of the 
Louvre—Evacuation of Paris by the royal troops . Pp. 278-289 


x . CONTENTS 


CHAPTER XXIV 


The pupils of the Polytechnic School—My little general—The boat 
of Essonnes—A walk through Paris—The barricades on the 
boulevards—The politeness of their defenders—The Rue de 
Rivoli—Pozzo and Lord Stuart—Mme. de Labédoyére—Bona- 
partist song—The barricade in the Rue du Faubourg Saint 
Honoré—“‘ Long live the Charter!’”’—Messenger from Rouen— 
The soldiers of the Royal Guard—Story of M. de Glandevés, 
Governor of the Tuileries—Obtuseness of the Government— 
The King’s game of whist at Saint Cloud—“ Jules de Polignac 

has seen the Holy Virgin”—Martin—The Duchesse de Berry 
: Pp. 290-304 


CHAPTER XXV 


A night of anxiety—Note from M. de Laborde—The workmen re- 
sume work—Benjamin Constant—M. Arago offers drink to the 
defenders of a barricade—A forgotten sentinel—Honesty and 
toleration of the populace—Pozzo changes his opinion—Letter 
from M. de Chateaubriand—Popular enthusiasm for M. de 
Lafayette—M. de Glandevés at Saint Cloud—Arrival of the 
Duc d’Orléans at the Palais Royal—General Sébastiani Minis- 
ter of Foreign Affairs—I write to Mme. de Montjoie Pp. 305-316 


CHAPTER XXVI 


I refuse to start for Pontchartrain—Position of the Duc de Raguse 
—General anxiety—Reply of Mme. de Montjoie—I go to 
Neuilly with M. Arago—Proclamation by the Lieutenant- 
General—Death of a grenadier in the Royal Guard—Arrival 
at Neuilly—Conversation with Mademoiselle and the Duchesse 
d’Orléans—The two princesses differ in opinion . Pp. 317-328 


CHAPTER XXVII 


My relations with the Duchesse d’Orléans—Her character—Her 
virtues—Good qualities and defects of Mademoiselle—I go to 
see Pozzo—His attitude—‘They wish to reign’—Jules de 
Polignac and the diplomatic body—Strange indifference shown 
to the Ambassadors—Note from Mme. Récamier—‘ Glorious 

‘ Revolution” of 1688 . ; ; ‘ , ; Pp. 329-340 


CONTENTS xi 
CHAPTER XXVIII 


Mademoiselle desires a conversation with Pozzo—The meeting ar- 
ranged at my house—I inform M. Pasquier—Appearance of 
the streets on Sunday, August rst—Visit to the Palais Royal— 
The Duchesse d’Orléans—Appearance of the palace—News of 
the Dauphin’s wife—Return of the Duc d’Orléans—I guide 
Mademoiselle to my house—Interviews with General Pozzo 
and M. Pasquier—The “pen of honour”—I go to see Mme. 
Récamier—She takes me to M. de Chateaubriand—His fits of 
rage—The Duc de Bordeaux—The “‘Glorieuses” Pp. 341-356 


APPENDIX P ‘ : : : : } : Pp. 357-360 
INDEX ; : : ‘ alee : ; : Pp. 361-377 


NE Nees” OP TH E 


COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


CHAPTER I 


The Princesse de Poix—Her salon—Anecdote concerning the Princesse 
d’Hénin—The Comtesse Charles de Damas—The Abbé de Mon- 
tesquiou—The Comte de Lally Tollendal—Salon of the Marquise 
de Montcalm—Family connections of the Duc de Richelieu—The 
Duchesse de Richelieu—Mesdames de Montcalm and de Jumilhac. 


TuHoucH I habitually remained at home, I was, none the 
less, often to be found in two salons in addition to that of 
Mme. de Duras. These were held by the Princesse de Poix 
and by the Marquise de Montcalm. Mme. de Poix* used to 
receive me with the utmost kindness, and I was delighted 
with her social circle. It was a society absolutely different 
from that of the ordinary salon; none the less, it continued 
to take a keen interest in all the events of the day, and 
might be thought to represent the past century standing at 
the window to watch the passage of the present age. A 
young lady who could talk at once became a general favourite 
and was the object of warm compliments which, though 
inopportune, were none the less welcome. Such at any rate 
was my impression of them. 

The Princesse de Poix was the most delightful old lady 

1 Anne Louise Marie de Beauvau, born April 1, 1750, daughter of 
Charles Just de Beauvau (1720-1793), and of Marie Sophie Charlotte 
de La Tour d’Auvergne (1729-1763), his first wife; on September 9, 
1767, she was married to the Prince de Poix, eldest son of the marshal, 


the Duc de Mouchy. (See second volume of these Memoirs, p. 171.) 
I 


2 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


that I have ever met. Her intellectual accomplishments 
and her perfect social tact were united to a strong and 
dignified character which fitted her to be both the head of 
a family and a leader of society. The exemplary conduct 
of her youth permitted her to be indulgent in her old age, 
and she used her privilege so discreetly that her favour was 
both an honour and a support. She died, full of years, 
dignity, and respect, after surviving all her contemporaries 
and even her son, the Duc de Mouchy,’ whose loss was a 
heavy blow which hastened her own death. For several 
years she had been entirely deaf, an affliction which she bore 
with admirable patience, employing every reasonable means 
to alleviate her burden, and bearing the inevitable discomforts 
of it with that courageous and cheerful resignation which 
alone can mitigate such a calamity. 

As Mme. de Poix had never gone into exile, her salon had 
been little influenced by the Revolution, and some of the 
guests who met there every evening had been accustomed to 
visit her daily for forty years. Others, after an absence of 
greater or less duration, had gathered round this centre, 
reasserting the social tone and conventions of which, until 
recently, the old wife of the Marshal de Beauvau’ had been 
the example and the oracle. Thus this circle was in direct 
connection with society as constituted under Louis XV. 
The children and grandchildren of the Princesse spent some 
time with her after dinner, and went away to the pleasures 
of a wider society about nine o’clock. Their places were 


1 Charles de Noailles; married Nathalie de Laborde; took the title of 
Duc de Mouchy in 1814. (See first volume of these Memoirs, pp. 329 
and 332.) 

? Elisabeth Charlotte de Chabot, sister of the Duc de Rohan-Chabot, 
born December 12, 1729, died in 1806, second wife of Charles Just de 
Beauvau (1720-1793). She was herself the widow of Louis de Clermont 
d’Amboise, Marquis de Renel, who died in 1761; she had married the 
Marshal de Beauvau in 1764. | 


SALON OF THE PRINCESSE DE POIX 3 


taken by Mmes. de Chalais, d’Hénin, de Simiane, de Damas, 
and MM. de Chalais, de Montesquiou, de Damas, de Lally, 
etc.. who met there every evening. ‘There were other 
constant though less habitual visitors, and all the best 
society of Paris passed through this salon. The persons 
whom I have mentioned formed the coterie properly so 
called. It was an association of long standing, for long 
before the Revolution the Princesses de Poix, d’Hénin,! de 
Chalais’ and de Bouillon? were known at court as ‘the 
united princesses.” 

The social tone of this company was sensitive and enthu- 
siastic upon matters which seemed very trifling to our genera- 
tion, which had been recalled to simplicity by the importance 
of events; but these seeming exaggerations did not exclude 
courtesy and kindness. A remark which showed any trace 
of wit in conversation was received with an approval which 
often found vent in hand-clapping. Such exclamations as 
“How charming she is!” ‘‘What wit!” etc., were lavishly 
scattered before the subject of them. Mme. de Stael had 
retained something of these traditions, though at a younger 
age. She was also better able to accommodate them to the 
habits of a century, the changes of which she had been forced 
to feel. In the salon of Mme. de Poix, any story in the least 
degree touching would evoke floods of tears. This again was 
a survival from the youth of these ladies, when soft-hearted- 
ness was fashionable. 

A story is told of the Princesse d’Hénin, who professed a 


1 Marie Francoise Marguerite de Talleyrand; married her cousin de 
Talleyrand, Prince de Chalais. 

 Etiennette de Montconseil; married in 1766 Charles Alexandre Marc 
Marcellin d’Alsace de Boussu de Chimay, Prince d’Hénin (1744-1794), 
guillotined during the Terror. 

’ Marie Hedwig Eleonore Christine of Hesse-Rheinfels-Rothenburg, 
born in 1748, married in 1766 to Jacques Leopold Charles Godefroy, 
Prince de La Tour d’Auvergne, Duc de Bouillon (1746-1802). She 
was the last representative of this illustrious family in the direct line. 


4 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


passionate friendship for Mme. de Poix. One evening, when 
the latter was very far from well, Mme. d’Hénin was obliged 
to leave her, being on duty as lady of the palace at Versailles. 
The next morning Mme. de Poix received a letter from her 
young friend. She said that she was writing as she had not 
been able to sleep all night, that she had counted every hour, 
and that when the hour which should mark the crisis of an 
illness had struck, she had herself been seized with a kind of 
shuddering. ‘This had terrified her. She feared it was a 
presentiment, was unable to bear her anxiety, and was 
sending a man upon the spot. Until the messenger’s return 
she would be in mortal dread, and begged that a reassuring 
word might be sent, etc. Mme. de Poix was greatly touched 
by Mme. d’Hénin’s account of her condition, and hastily 
wrote a note saying that she had spent a fairly good night; 
she then summoned the footman to hand him the note. 

“Take this answer to Mme. d’Hénin at once. She has 
had a very bad night, has she not?” 

‘“‘T do not know, Princesse.” 

“Was she very poorly this morning.” 

‘‘No one had gone into her room when I started.” 

‘She did not, then, give you the letter herself?” 

“Oh yes, Princesse; she gave it to me yesterday 
evening.” 

Mme. de Poix was much amused at the apprehensions of 
her friend, but this incident in no way shook their intimacy, 
which was continued until death. It must be added that 
Mme. d’Hénin was the most affected of all these ladies, 
whereas Mme. de Poix was the most natural, the most amia- 
ble, and reasonable of them. | 

Mme. de Simiane,* to whom I have already referred when 


1 Anne Emilie de Félix; married on July 15, 1776, Francois Léon de 
Simiane de La Cépéde, Marquis de Simiane. (See first volume of these 
Memoirs, p. 21.) . 


COMTESSE CHARLES DE DAMAS 5 


speaking of M. de Lafayette, had been the beauty of the 
court of Louis XVI., and still preserved much of her elegance 
and charm, and as much humour as was required to make 
her gracious benevolence attractive. Mme. de Chalais was a 
cleverer woman, under no necessity of pleasing, though she 
was extremely kind. ‘The Comtesse Charles de Damas! was 
not so old as these other ladies, while her intimacies were 
dictated rather by relationship than by sympathy; among 
her contemporaries she was always considered extremely 
clever. I have never seen any trace of her powers, but I 
will not venture to oppose my views to the general opinion. 
She was always in tears and lamentations, and was for 
me the personification of ‘‘doleful Elegy in long habiliments 
of woe,’ and her sentiments were too affected to arouse 
my interest. 

A few days before her confinement, her husband found 
her in tears. 

“What is the matter, my dear?” 

“Alas! I am grieving for my child.” 

“But what a foolish idea; why should you lose it?” 

“Lose it! Such a frightful thought would be the death 
of me; but alas! I am to be separated from it.” 

“Separated from it. But you propose to nurse it.” 

“Tt will no longer be within my womb.” 

The child? born of so affectionate a mother did not inherit 
her affectations. She was one of the most distinguished 
and natural characters that I have ever known. My 
friendship with her has continued since our childhood. 


1 Marie Louise Aglaé Andrault de Laugeron; married Joseph Fran- 
cois Louis Charles César, Comte de Damas d’Antigny (1758-1820), 
field-marshal, gentleman of honour to Monsieur, duke and peer of 
France in 1825. 

2 Adélaide Louise Zephirine de Damas, born October 5, 1784, died in 
1838. Married (1) Charles Elzéar Francois de Vogué; (2) on Novem- 
ber 17, 1813, César Laurent de Chastellux (1780-1854). 


6 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Her first husband was M. de Vogué, who was killed by 
a fall from his horse. Mme. de Damas did her utmost 
to intensify her daughter’s natural grief, but eventually 
she escaped from this maternal care, and married César 
de Chastellux, the elder brother of Henry, afterwards Duc 
de Rauzan. | 

I return to the salon of Mme. de Poix, where, indeed, 
Mme. de Chastellux was often to be found. ‘The leading 
figure in this circle was the Abbé de Montesquiou.* He was 
another of those persons, reputed brilliant, whose merits I 
have been unable to recognise. I will admit that he had some 
intellectual power, but he used it merely to make his public 
life a series of blunders and his private life unendurable by 
the acerbity of his temper. In consequence a certain doctor 
of Nancy, a deputy of the Undiscoverable Chamber, who 
had been adopted by the Ultra society because of the violence 
of his opinions, said one day to the Abbé de Montesquiou, 
who was pouring his wrath upon the ministers who had suc- 
ceeded him: 

‘Sir, you should never forget that you have every right 
to be extremely modest.” 

This offensive observation secured the exclusion of the 
doctor from the society, though his absence was no great 
loss, as he was ridiculous as well as tactless; but his remark 
remained in men’s minds. 

M. de Lally’ wrote petitions, memoirs, speeches, tragedies, 
satires, panegyrics upon the dead, and laudatory addresses to 
the living in yet greater number. Whether any of these 
compositions will survive him I cannot say: his contem- 


See first volume of these Memoirs, p. 364. 

* Trophime Joseph, Marquis de Lally Tollendal, born in 1751, deputy 
to the States General, went into exile in 1790, was peer of France in 
1815, Minister of State, member of the French Academy, and died in 
1830. 


DUC DE RICHELIEU 4 


poraries called him the fattest of sensible men, and they 
might have added that he was the flattest of windbags. 
Possibly his weaknesses were due to advanced age, but when- 
ever I saw him he was full of ridiculous affectations and 
ready to shed tears upon the smallest provocation. He 
would weep upon the subject of youth or old age; he would 
weep for glory, defeat, joy or sadness; in short, he was always 
blubbering. I used to see him constantly at the Palais Royal, 
where he played his part to excess, asking questions of 
all the children, even of those in long clothes, bursting with 
emotion at their answers, and overwhelming them with ex- 
aggerated flatteries, which were not fashionable in that 
quarter. 

I shall say nothing of the other men who were members 
of the society of Mme. de Poix. Some were new figures, 
subsequent to the Revolution, and did not belong to her 
age. MM. Chalais and de Damas were excellent and straight- 
forward characters, but in no way remarkable. 

The salon of Mme. de Montcalm was composed of our 
contemporaries, and until the death of her brother, the Duc 
de Richelieu, this society was marked by a strong political 
colouring. ‘The Duc de Richelieu, when seventeen years of 
age, had married Mlle. de Rochechouart, who was twelve 
years old. According to the custom of the time, he had 
been sent forth on his travels. During the three years of 
his absence he received constant letters from his child-wife, 
who wrote with much grace and wittiness. At his urgent 
request, she sent him her portrait, which revealed to him the 
features of the little childish countenance engraven upon his 
memory, though somewhat more developed. When the 
Comtesse de Chinon, this being the title of the young couple, 
had completed her fifteenth year, the husband was recalled. 
Full of hope, he reached the Hotel de Richelieu, and his 
relatives came forward to meet him upon the staircase. ‘The 


8 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


old marshal’ his grandfather, and the Duc de Fronsac’ his 
father, had placed between them a little, stooping hump- 
backed monster, which they presented to the Comte de 
Chinon as his companion for life. He staggered back three 
steps, and fell down senseless upon the staircase. He was 
then carried to his room, and said that he felt too ill to 
appear in the salon. He wrote to his parents stating his 
firm resolve never to consummate a marriage which was so 
wholly repulsive to him, ordered post-horses the same night, 
and went away in despair to Germany, afterwards joining 
in the campaigns of Souvarov’ against the Turks. The 
Duchesse de Fronsac, his father’s second wife, had been able 
to make her way to him during his short stay in Paris, and 
to present to him two charming little sisters, of whom he 
carried away pleasant memories. 

Fifteen years later, when the revolutionary uproar had 
somewhat subsided, he obtained permission through the 
Emperor Paul,* whose service he had entered, to make a 


1 Louis Francois Armand de Vignerod du Plessis, Duc de Richelieu 
(1696-1788). He was the grand-nephew of the great Cardinal, Em- 
bassador at Vienna from 1725-1728, lieutenant-general in 1744, marshal 
of France in 1748, governor of Guyenne and of Gascony in 1755, member 
of the French Academy in 1720. He was thrice married, to Mlle. de 
Noailles in 1710, to Sophie of Guise, Princess of Lorraine, in 1734, and 
to Mme. de Rothe in 1780. 

? Louis Antoine Sophie du Plessis Richelieu, Duc de Fronsac (1736- 
1791). In 1776 he married Adélaide Gabrielle de Hautefort, who died 
February 6, 1767, and in 1776, Marie Antoinette de Galliffet, who was 
born in 1757. The minister of Louis XVIII. was born of the first 
marriage. 

3 Alexander Vasilievitch, Count Souvarov (1729-1800), a celebrated 
Russian general. He fought in the war against Poland from 1768 to 
1772, against the Turks from 1773 to 1774, was governor of the Crimea 
in 1786, and conducted the second campaign against the Turks from 
1787 to 1789. He commanded the Russian army sent against the 
French in Italy; after some successes, he was defeated at Zurich by 
Masséna in 1799. 

*Paul I., Emperorof Russia. (See first volume of these Memoirs, p. 338.) 


DUCHESSE DE RICHELIEU 9 


journey in France, while Bonaparte was Consul. Revisiting 
his sisters with memories of the past, he found two little 
hunchbacks no less ugly than his wife. On this occasion, 
however, being more hardened to such sights, he did not 
run away. He sold his property, paid the debts attaching 
to the estate, and divided his share of his father’s inheritance 
among his sisters. He then returned to the Crimea, where 
he occupied himself in founding the town of Odessa. The 
difficulty of communications during the Revolution had kept 
the Duc de Richelieu as ignorant of the physical develop- 
ment of his sisters as the ill-advised silence of his family had 
concealed the appearance of his wife. He retained a kind 
of instinctive repugnance to hunchbacks. Long afterwards, 
wnen he was appointed guardian to his niece, Mlle. d’Haute- 
fort, who became Baronne de Damas, he found her similarly 
misshapen, and could not help exclaiming, as he shook hands 
with a friend: 

‘“‘Good Heavens, this is too much! I seem to have been 
born to be pursued and beset by hunchbacks.”’ 

Though the little monster of fifteen years had inspired 
the Duc de Richelieu with an invincible repugnance, the 
sight of him had produced a very opposite effect upon his 
wife. His noble appearance and attractive face had con- 
firmed the impressions produced by the tender correspondence 
which the young couple had maintained. Beneath her ugli- 
ness Mme. de Richelieu possessed a noble mind and generous 
heart. She did her best to reconcile the two families after 
the precipitate flight of M. de Richelieu: she offered to 
second any attempt her husband might make to annul the 
marriage, and accepted his refusal as a favour. As her hus- 
band’s conduct had warned her of the personal unpleasantness 
which she might be compelled to undergo, and which her 
parents’ affection had striven to hide, she declined to expose 
herself to the scorn of the world or to the pity of the care- 


IO COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


less. She then retired to a beautiful estate, Courteilles,’ 
distant twenty leagues from Paris, where she lived until her 
death. | 

Although she was very young when the Revosution broke 
out, her virtues had already secured her considerable influence, 
which she used to preserve the peace in her own neighbour- 
hood. She was the good genius of the whole Richelieu 
family: far from showing any resentment towards the Duc, 
she constantly manifested her disinterested friendship by the 
most delicate attentions, and gave no sign that she was ever 
animated by any keener sentiment than friendship. The 
Duc de Richelieu was overcome by this generosity, while his 
own loftiness of character obliged him to pardon one whom 
he had so grievously insulted. After the Restoration he 
occasionally went to visit her at Courteilles, where he was 
received with extreme joy. ‘Their respective ages would 
have eventually made this mode of life both simple and 
easy, and I am persuaded that at the moment of his death 
M. de Richelieu had almost resolved to take up his residence 
at Courteilles. As for his wife, nothing would have induced 
her to confront Parisian society, from which she had with- 
drawn before she had entered it. 

Mme. de Montcaim was the eldest of the two sisters of 
the Duc de Richelieu. Exceedingly bad health forbade her 
to leave her couch, and the hope of hiding her figure gave 
her patience to bear this affliction. Her face was handsome, 
and the rest of her person was so wrapped up in shawls and 
coverings that her deformity was almost entirely hidden. It 
is to this circumstance that I have always attributed the 
marked preference which M. de Richelieu showed her. as 
compared with her sister, Mme. de Jumilhac, who paraded 
her appalling figure without the smallest embarrassment at 
every social gathering or festivity. Her mordant wit, her 

* Courteilles, near Verneuil (Eure). 


MADAME DE MONTCALM | 165 


imperturbable gaiety, anda wholly natural animation, which 
I have never seen surpassed, made her the favourite of the 
most fashionable members in the best of society. No 
festivity was complete without Mme. de Jumilhac. She was 
very fashionable, and, strange to say, to be fashionable was - 
the aim and object of her life, notwithstanding her figure. 

Mme. de Montcalm was a more cultivated woman, but in 
my opinion far less agreeable than her sister. She was very 
exacting, and anxious to be admired by people who could 
appreciate her merits, which she thought were transcendent, 
whereas her sister’s only object was to pass the time pleasantly 
with any one who came to hand. Possibly my judgment of 
the two sisters is not wholly impartial. I was very friendly 
with the younger, and it has been very difficult for me to hold 
the balance between them. In all important circumstances 
nothing could exceed the nobility and delicacy of their con- 
sideration for one another; but upon the details of daily life 
they teased and harassed one another so constantly that their 
mutual detestation became most cordial. Their intimate 
friends were necessarily influenced and were induced to take 
sides. In any case, M. de Richelieu showed a marked prefer- 
ence for Mnie. de Montcalm. He would spend the greater 
part of his evenings at her side, and thus she was able to 
gather all French and foreign notable personages around her 
couch. | 


CHAPTER II 


The carnival of 1820—The Palais Royal—Ball at the Elysée—Humour 
of the Duc de Berry—Masked ball given by M. Greffulhe—Mas- 
querade at the house of M. de La Briche—Assassination of the Duc 
de Berry—His courage—Details of the event—IIl feeling against 
Comte Decazes—He is obliged to resign—The Duc de Richelieu 
takes his place—Promises of Monsieur. 


THE carnival of 1820 was extremely gay and brilliant, for 
the wounds inflicted upon the country were beginning to 
heal. Scanty as had been the gratitude for the Government 
whose efforts had succeeded in liberating the country, the 
very people who feared this result and had intrigued to 
prevent it, none the less experienced great relief when they 
no longer saw foreign uniforms strutting in our streets ‘“‘as 
though they were their own.” 

The Duc de Berry gave a great ball at the Elysée. In- 
vitations were numerous and were distributed with great 
liberality. The Duc de Berry considered that the court 
society was far too exclusive. Members of this society had 
profited by the sedentary and retired tastes of the Princes to 
monopolise them entirely; to have access to the Princes it 
was necessary to be a member of their household or in close 
connection with it. The Duc de Berry disliked this ex- 
clusiveness, and announced his intention of breaking with it. 
He had already given some dinners, to which he had invited 
peers and deputies who were famous in the political world, 
and he proposed further to extend the circle of his guests. 
He himself would have had everything to gain, for he was 


sufficiently intellectual to profit by the conversation and to 
I2 


THE PALAIS ROYAL 13 


attempt to stimulate it. He was encouraged in this project 
by the attitude of the Palais Royal. 

The Duc d’Orléans had shown more than any one his 
relief at the departure of the Allies, and had changed his 
mode of life in consequence; he liked people to notice the 
greater freedom with which he could now breathe. The first 
Wednesday of every month he was at home as a prince, 
though not in court dress. Court dress was only worn at the 
Palais Royal by ladies who were presented for the first time, 
and they, again, were often excused. ‘There was no separa- 
tion between gentlemen and ladies, as at the Tuileries, nor 
did they enter in bands marshalled by an usher to receive the 
word or the nod, which was given with as much boredom as 
it was received. 

The drawing-rooms of the Palais Royal were brilliantly 
lighted, and filled with ladies in magnificent dresses and 
with men sparkling with orders and gold braid, who moved 
about as they pleased. People could meet one another and 
join their own circles; thus they were very ready to wait for 
_ the progress of the Princes, who bestowed their favours with 
the utmost graciousness. Receptions at the Palais Royal 
were thus excellent parties, where people could be amused and 
from which they came away pleased with their entertainment 
and with the givers of it. Hence these receptions were very 
fashionable. I do not know for what reason they were after- 
wards abandoned in favour of one sole reception upon the 
first Wednesday of the year, when the crowd was so great 
that attendance was an unendurable infliction. 

Apart from the social gatherings of which I have spoken, 
there were numerous and excellent concerts, as well as large 
dinner parties by no means dull; care was taken to secure 
that the invitations were sufficiently mixed for every shade 
of opinion to be represented, to the exclusion of no particular 


party. 


14 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


I went constantly to the Palais Royal. Upon ordinary 
days the Princesses and their ladies were working at a round 
table placed at the end of the gallery, and the children were 
playing at the other end. The Duc d’Orléans divided his 
time between these two groups and the billiard table. As 
soon as the children were in bed he came up to the table, 
and conversation went on in a manner wholly informal and 
often very amusing. The Duc d’Orléans was abreast: of 
every novelty in art or science. Scientific men communi- 
cated their discoveries to him, and those which were likely to 
interest the Princesses were exhibited and demonstrated in 
the salon. Artists who came in met with appreciation, and 
introduced an element of variety much prized by habitual 
guests. The list of guests was so wide that some thirty 
people were always to be found in the course of an evening 
composed of those to whom the doors were always open, and 
of those who came by appointment to pay their respects. 
The Duc de Berry came sometimes with his wife, and seemed 
to be entertained. It was only upon rare occasions that I 
ever saw him. After the second Restoration he had ceased 
to pay calls, and after his marriage he only went out to the 
great balls to which he accompanied his wife. When, 
however, we happened to meet, we easily resumed the long- 
standing familiarity which dated from our youth. 

I remember that one evening at the Palais Royal I was 
seated beside him upon a bench in the billiard-room. He 
then expressed his approval of the social habits of the master 
of the house, and said how much better it was than to be 
always ‘‘by ourselves like the Jews, as we always are.” 


I pointed out to him that it would be very easy for him 


to put the receptions at the Elysée upon the same footing, 
and that he would have everything to gain by becoming 
better known. 3 

““Not so easy as you seem to think. My father would 


& 


DUC DE BERRY 15 


like it and would even be ready to turn it to advantage, for 
he likes society, notwithstanding all his religious scruples; but 
I do not think that it would suit the King, and I am sure that 
it would displease my brother, and my sister-in-law still more. 
_She does not like people to be entertained except in her way, 
‘very sadly’; you know what Imean.” And hebegan to laugh. 

This “very sadly” is a phrase which Froissart used in 
speaking of English amusements. After some long dinner 
in London the Duc de Berry often used to exclaim, ‘‘ Ah! 
we have indeed been ‘very sadly’ entertained, according to 
the custom of their country.” 

Apart from the strictness of the Duchesse d’Angouléme, 
there was one further obstacle which he did not state, but 
of which he was well aware: this was the disagreement 
existing between the Duchesse de Berry and the Duchesse 
d’Orléans. However, the approval of the Prince could not 
entirely conceal his great jealousy of the Palais Royal. Of 
this I had a fresh proof upon the day of that ball at the Elysée, 
to which I now revert after this long digression. ‘The illness 
of the Duke of Kent* had induced him to consider the ad- 
visability of postponing the ball, but a slight improvement 
encouraged him to give it. A telegram brought the news of 
his death upon the very day when the entertainment was to 
take place. I learnt the news from the Duc de Berry. A 
long row of carriages had delayed me, and I found the Duc, 
when I arrived, looking as he usually did when he was dis- 
pleased. The ball was so beautiful, so brilliant, and so 
animated, that I could not understand his dissatisfaction. 
He approached me. 


1 Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent, son of George III. and Queen 
Charlotte, born in 1767, married in 1818 to Victoria of Saxe-Coburg- 
Saalfeld-Gotha (1786-1861), sister of Leopold I. of Belgium, widow of 
Prince Heinrich of Leiningen (1814). He died at Sidmouth in 1820, 
leaving a daughter, who became Queen Victoria. 


TOMI COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


“Well, I suppose you know that the Palais Royal is not 
coming, and has sent excuses ?” 

“Really, Sire?” 

“Tt is most inopportune. The King had decided that 
the news of the death of the Duke of Kent should not be 
published until the morrow, and now they are spreading 
the news by their absence, which will require an explanation. 
It is to put me in the wrong.” 

I tried to calm him by reminding him of the fact that 
the Duc d’Orléans was an intimate personal friend of the 
Duke of Kent, that he must be much grieved, and that his 
position was wholly different from that of the Duc de Berry. 

‘Oh, nonsense,” he replied impatiently; “‘it is always 
their aim to keep themselves to themselves.” There was 
indeed some small tincture of truth in this ill-tempered 
exclamation. 

The ball was magnificent and perfectly arranged. ‘The 
Prince did the honours of it with full courtesy and conde- 
scension, and the success of this entertainment, which he 
had very near at heart, brought back his good temper before 
the end of the evening. He told every one about him that 
he was delighted to see their pleasure, and that these balls 
would often be given upon future occasions. None of us 
blind mortals could have foreseen that it was the last! The 
Duchesse d’Angouléme did the honours with a graceful 
readiness which I had never before observed in her. She 
was polite, affable, covered with diamonds, magnificently 
dressed, and looked indeed a grand princess. 

On the other hand, her sister-in-law looked like an ill- 
bred boarding-school girl. She showed no politeness to 
any one, and was wholly occupied in running after the Duc 
de Berry to ask him for the names of dancers. He did 
not wish her to waltz, and she looked sulky whenever the 
orchestra struck up a waltz. It would be difficult for any 


BALL AT THE ELYSEE 17 


one to look more unpleasant or to act more completely the 
part of a silly little girl than the Duchesse de Berry that 
evening. ‘The time, however, was approaching when she 
was to show a distinction of character which no one imagined 
her to possess. 

I can remember, however, hearing the Duc de Berry relate 
that he was with her one day in a carriage when the horses 
ran away; she had continued the conversation without 
changing the tone of her voice, and at last he had said to 
her: 

“Why, Caroline, do you not see what has happened ?”’ 

“Ves, I see; but as I cannot stop the horses, it is useless 
to trouble about them.” 

The carriage was upset, but no one was hurt. The 
Duchesse de Berry was one of the most courageous characters 
that I have ever known. 

Etiquette did not allow us to leave the ball before the 
Princes. I was utterly exhausted when I met the Duc de 
Berry after supper. He seemed in excellent good humour, 
and delighted with the success of his ball. 

“Vou are tired,” he said; ‘‘you had better go home.” 

I offered some objections. 

‘Nonsense, it is I who tell you to go. Good evening to 
you, my dear old Adeéle.” 

This was his friendly mode of address for me, and they 
were the last words that I ever heard him speak, while the 
grasp of the hand which accompanied them was also the last 
which he ever gave me. I cannot recall these moments 
without emotion. With all his faults, he had most attractive 
qualities, and within his princely breast there beat the heart 
of a generous man. 

The following Saturday, preceding Shrove Sunday, 
February 13, 1820, there was a fancy dress ball given by 
M. Greffulhe, a rich banker who had married Mlle. Duluc 


18 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


de Vintimille, and had been made a peer of France. It was 
a magnificent entertainment, and the most fashionable 
members of Parisian society were there. The Duc and 
Duchesse de Berry honoured the ball with their presence. 
The Princess did not dance, but as she was dressed in the 
costume of a queen of the Middle Ages, with a floating veil 
and velvet covered with gold brocade, the fact was not 
observed. . 

At this time a parody of the opera, The Danaides, was . 
given at the theatre of the Porte Saint Martin. The actor, 
Potier,’ after giving the daggers to his daughter to kill their 
husbands, observed, ‘‘Off with you, my little lambs,” which 
was uttered in so inimitable a manner that it made the 
success of the play and went round the whole of Paris. The 
Duc de Fitzjames was wearing Potier’s costume, and had his 
pocket full of knives, which he gave to all the young ladies, 
adding some phrase appropriate to their individual circum- 
stances. He spoke at much length to the Duchesse de Berry, 
and a humourous argument took place between them as to 
the part of the heart which should be pierced, and I saw 
the Duchesse go away holding the knife in her hand. Un- 
fortunately, twenty-four hours had not elapsed when a more 
formidable dagger was buried in that heart which she had 
been advised to pierce. Edouard de Fitzjames often re- 
proached himself for this jest, which was entirely innocent, 
but the recollection of it may very well have been painful 
to him. 

M. Greffulhe never left the Prince for a moment while he 
was at the ball. He seemed anxious and preoccupied, and 
as soon as had placed his illustrious guests in their carriage 
and the vehicle had left his courtyard, he seemed to be 
relieved of a heavy burden. I heard that he had received 
numerous warnings that some assassin might use the occasion 

1Charles Potier (1775-1838). 


MASQUERADE 19 


of a masked ball to attack the Duc de Berry, but, apart from 
the master of the house, no one attached any importance 
to these anonymous threats. Every one was happy and — 
cheerful, and every kind of amusement was in progress. 

The coterie to which I belonged met the next day, which 
was Sunday, at the house of Mme. de La Briche.t. A mas- 
querade had been prepared representing a village baptism. 
A certain M. de Poreth, a man six feet high, was the baby, 
and carried his nurse in his arms. The whole affair was 
arranged upon these principles, and the absurdity was quite 
amusing. Every one was highly cheerful, although one of 
the characters of the farce, M. Greffulhe, the host of the 
previous evening, was kept at home by an indisposition, 
which, by the way, ended in his death five days later. 

Bursts of laughter were at their height when Alexandre 
de Boisgelin* came in. He sat down by the side of Mme. 
de Mortefontaine near the door, and spoke to her in a low 
voice. I was upon the point of going out, but they called 
me back. Alexandre had just come from the Opéra, and 
knew that the Duc de Berry had been struck down. He 
had seen the assassin and the blood-stained dagger, but he 
was unaware of the danger of the wound. He thought that 
the wounded man could be moved, had been to give orders 
at the Elysée, and was on his way back there to wait for 
him. He insisted upon our silence, and promised to return 
as soon as the Prince should have reached his rooms. Mme. 
de Mortefontaine and myself remained seated side by side, 
hardly daring to look at one another, lest we should give 
way. 

Soon further news reached this room where pleasure was 


1Mme. de La Briche, mother-in-law of Comte Molé. She lived in the 
Rue de la Ville ’ Evéque. 

? Alexandre Bruno, Comte de Boisgelin, colonel of the Tenth Legion 
of the National Guard, lieutenant of the bodyguard, and deputy. 


20 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


still predominant. I shall never forget its appearance: the 
groups farthest from the door gay and laughing, while those 
nearest successively received the sad news, and consternation 
spread from spot to spot, though slowly. No one would 
cry the news aloud, and it passed quietly from neighbour to 
neighbour. ‘Those men who were able to rid themselves of 
their costumes rushed into the street to gather information; 
those who had duties to perform hastened home to put on 
uniform. Soon none but the ladies were left and M. de 
Meun, who was dressed like a lady of the chateau, with lace 
collar, furbelows, and plumes, and was unable to rid himself 
of his costume. He remained thus dressed all night in the 
middle of those who came and went: aides-de-camp, foot- 
men, orderlies, and messengers of all sorts came in to us, 
but no one noticed him, neither ourselves nor the new- 
comers, so great was our dismay, and only after reflection 
upon the evening did we remember the fact. 

We learnt that it was impossible to carry the Duc de 
Berry to the Elysée, and that Mme. de Gontaut had received 
orders to take the little Mademoiselle to the Opéra,’ while 
the ladies of the Duchesse de Berry were to go and meet her 
there. At length, at four o’clock in the morning, we were 
informed by the watch at the Elysée that better news had 
arrived; the Prince’s wound had been dressed, he was easier, 
and was to be carried upon mattresses. Each of us went 
away with fear in his heart; we had been waiting since 
seven o’clock to learn the end of this cruel tragedy. The 
accounts which I have received are scrupulously correct, and 
have been confirmed by too many mouths for me to doubt 
them for a moment. 

The death of the Duc de Berry was that of a hero and a 
Christian; he thought of every one with admirable courage, 
presence of mind, and coolness. It may be asked how this 

‘Cp. Mémoires de la Duchesse de Gontaut, p. 206. 


MURDER OF THE DUC DE BERRY 21 


fact is to be harmonised with the want of resolution some- 
times attributed to him. I cannot say. Men are full of 
these inexplicable anomalies. ‘To represent them as perfectly 
consistent is to draw only the portrait of a novelist’s hero. 

The Duc de Berry had just put his wife in her carriage, 
and the footmen were closing the door. He was going back 
to the Opéra, to see the last scene of the ballet and to receive 
from a member of the ballet the signal for a visit which he 
wished to make to her. He was followed by two aides-de- 
camp, and two sentinels were presenting arms at either side 
of the door. A man passed through all these people, and 
pushed so violently against one of the azdes-de-camp that he 
_ said, ‘‘Take care what you are doing, sir.” At the same 
moment he placed a hand upon the shoulder of the Prince, 
and with the other hand drove into his breast below the 
shoulder an enormous knife, which he left in the wound, and 
took flight; no one in this numerous escort had time to 
anticipate his action. The Duc de Berry thought at first 
that he had received a blow with a fist, and said, ‘“‘That 
man struck me”; then clapping his hand to his breast he 
cried, ‘‘Ah, it isa dagger! J ama dead man.” 

The Duchesse de Berry, seeing the struggle, wished to go 
to her husband. Mme. de Béthisy,* the lady on duty, from 
whom I have these details, attempted to keep her back. 
The footmen hesitated to lower the steps, and the Princesse 
sprang out of the carriage without waiting for them. Mme. 
de Béthisy followed her. They found the Duc de Berry 
seated in a chair in the passage. He had not lost conscious- 
ness, and merely said, “Ah, poor Caroline, what a sight for 
you.” She threw herself upon him: ‘Take care, you are 
hurting me.” 

They succeeded in carrying him up to a little drawing- 


1 Marquise de Béthisy, the lady companion to the Duchesse de Berry 
(Almanach Royal). 


22 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


room which communicated with his box.. The men who 
had carried him then went out to fetch help, and he was 
left alone with the two ladies. ‘The knife, which had been 
left in his breast, caused him dreadful suffering, and he 
insisted that Mme. de Béthisy should draw it out, after 
making a vain attempt himself. She was eventually induced 
to obey. The blood spurted forth abundantly, and her 
dress and that of the Duchesse de Berry were covered with 
it. From that moment until the arrival of the physicians, 
with their bandages. he merely groaned continually, saying 
from time to time, “I am stifling; give me air.”’ The poor 
women opened the door, and the music of the ballet which 
was in progress and the applause of the pit made a dreadful 
contrast with the scene before their eyes. The Duchesse de 
Berry showed a calmness and a strength of character beyond 
all praise, for her despair was terrible. She thought of 
everything, prepared everything with her own hands, and 
the boarding-school girl of the morning became suddenly 
heroic. 

I think that the Duc d’Angouléme was the first of the 
Princes to arrive, and was followed by Monsieur. The 
latter had thrown himself into the carriage of the person 
who came to bring the news. As yet it was unknown 
whether this assassination marked the outbreak of a wider 
conspiracy. ‘There may have been some danger of such an 
event. The Duc de Maillé, First Gentleman of the Chamber, 
was unable to find any room in the carriage, and therefore 
got up behind, thus honourably repeating the courtly de- 
votion of the old Marshal de Beauvau, who as Captain of 
the Guards had returned from Rambouillet to Versailles 
behind a post-chaise in which the young Louis XVI. had 
taken refuge one day, when his relays of hunting horses had 
failed. How circumstances change the character of the 
same actions. ‘Though the Marquis’s conduct was loudly 


MURDER OF THE DUC DE BERRY 23 


applauded at Versailles, I have always thought that he 
acted like a footman and the Duc de Maillé as an honest 
gentleman. 

I have heard eye-witnesses relate that the progress of the 
old King through the corridors of the Opéra, where he 
dragged himself along to receive the last sigh of the last 
member of his house, was more imposing by contrast than a 
similar scene would have been in the interior of the palace. 
The touching details which accompanied this dreadful 
catastrophe, and which are placed beyond dispute by the 
number of the witnesses, did much to restore the credit of 
_ the royal family in the eyes of France, and the death of the 
Duc de Berry was more useful to his family than his life. 

The smallest incidents of that dreadful night were related 
to me by many who were there, and especially by the Prin- 
cesses d’Orléans. ‘They were overwhelmed when I went to 
see them the next day. Mademoiselle told me that the 
King had said to the Duc d’Orléans, at the moment when 
the Duchesse de Berry threw herself upon her husband’s 
body and refused to leave him: 

‘““Duc d’Orléans, take care of her; she is with child.” 
The Duc de Berry had also begged her to take care that 
she did not hurt herself, but to do justice to the young 
Princess, she thought nothing of her own condition, and was 
whole-hearted in her grief. She interrupted her lamenta- 
tions only to express her distrust and hatred of M. Decazes: 
he was overwhelmed by consternation, and, secure in his 
innocence, did not even perceive the animosity which he 
excited, or understand the words and gestures which he 
provoked. ‘To such an absurd point was this feeling pushed, 
that when M. Decazes went into the room where Louvel was 
guarded, and asked him at the request of the physicians 
whether the weapon had been poisoned, those about him 
were infamous enough to say that he had been to arrange 


24 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


matters with the assassin. The Duc de Berry continually 
asked the King’s mercy for this wretch, whom he presumed 
to have some personal grudge against him, thus giving a 
fine example of Christian charity. He recommended to his 
wife two girls in England who were daughters of his by a 
Mrs. Brown,’ for whom he had shown much affection. They 
were sent for, and arrived in a condition that may be imagined; 
the Duchesse de Berry took them to her heart. She loyally 
kept her promise to the dying man, brought up the girls, 
provided them with dowries, married them, found them posts 
about her person, and showed them unbroken affection. 
We have seen them appear at court, first as Mlles. d’Issoudun 
and de Vierzon, afterwards as Princesse de Lucinge and 
Comtesse de Charrette. ‘The Duc de Berry also entrusted 
to the kindness of his brother the care of a child he had 
recently had by an opera dancer, Virginie. ‘The sobs of the 
Duc d’Angouléme testified to the readiness with which he 
accepted this charge. I do not know what became of this 
little boy, but I will answer for it that he was not abandoned 
by the Duc d’Angouléme. 

The Duc de Berry had something appropriate and touching 
to say to every one; he was under no illusion whatever as to 
his condition, and thought only of others. He fulfilled his 
religious duties with resignation and confidence, and sur- 
rendered his soul to God with a calmness wholly unexpected 
in so impetuous a character. If any exception could be taken 
to so good a death, I should venture to reproach the Prince 
for his forgetfulness to send a word to M. de La Ferronnays. 
Twenty-three years of devoted service deserved at least a 
thought. But at that time he was far away at St. Petersburg, 
the Prince’s sufferings lasted but a few hours, and present 
cares left him little time to think of the absent. 

The death of the Duc de Berry was universally lamented. 

1 See the Mcmoires de Madame la Duchesse de Gontaut, pp. 188 and 207. 


MURDER OF THE DUC DE BERRY 2s 


People who thought they were in no way concerned sym- 
pathised with the grief of the noble family, and the narrative 
of this cruel night brought tears to the eyes even of the 
strongest opponents. It is extraordinary that the ferocious 
Louvel,* who had been pursuing the Prince for some time, 
should never have found an earlier opportunity to strike him 
down. ‘The irregular life of the Duc de Berry brought him 
almost daily and without escort into places where it seemed 
far easier to attack him. Had the catastrophe happened at 
the door of some dancing girl, at the moment when he was 
leaving a cab, a very different impression would have been 
made compared with that produced by the sight of him in the 
arms of his young wife, who was covered with his blood, while 
he was surrounded with all that was due to his rank. From 
this point of view there was something providential in the 
manner of this great misfortune. The despair of the Elysée 
Palace was indescribable. The Duc de Berry, notwithstand- 
ing his fits of temper, was adored by his servants. He was 
kind, generous,-just, and even affable as soon as anger had 
passed away. | 

It is not sufficiently well known that he was the first to 
introduce savings banks into France. He had founded one 
for his own household, to encourage economy among his 
servants. When any one of them had saved five hundred 


1 Louis Pierre Louvel, born at Versailles in 1783. He was a saddler, 
and was employed in the Imperial Saddlery. In 1816 he entered the 
stables of Louis XVIII. He was condemned to death, and executed on 
June 7. More than two hundred and fifty years previously Nostrada- 
mus had written the following lines: 

Chef de Fossan aura gorge couppée 

Par le ducteur du limier et lévrier. 

Le faict par ceux du mont Tarpée 

Saturne en Léo, 13 de février—CENnT. III., 96. 
(Les prophéties de M. Michel Nostradamus . . . a Lyon, chez Pierre 
Rigaud, rue Merciere, au coin de la rue Ferraudiere avec permission. 
Without date [1555 or 1858]. Bibl. nation., Invent. Ye 1785 Rés.) 


26 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


francs he doubled that amount. ‘The details of this business 
were his personal care. If one of these servants required to 
withdraw his money, he inquired into the nature of his needs, 
and supplied them when they were real and honourable. 
The attention which he thus devoted to their small interests 
secured him their passionate devotion, and his loss was 
bewailed with heartfelt tears. 

If the Duc de Berry had been brought up by reasonable 
people, had been taught to conquer his passions, to consider 
public opinion, and to sacrifice his whims to social conventions 
he would have become an accomplished prince, for there was 
within him excellent material. As it was, his death was no 
loss either to his son, his family, or his country. My con- 
viction of this fact has not, however, prevented me from 
regretting him sincerely. This was the general feeling. 
Whatever judgment may be passed upon him now, that 
tragical night was regarded as a national calamity. A long 
cry of grief rose throughout France, and was turned to such 
excellent advantage by party spirit that in three days it had 
changed to curses upon M. Decazes. 

The first persons who had expressed these views had 
merely wished to accuse him of carelessness, but when the 
public was deceived no attempts were made to destroy the 
deception. It was asserted in the market-place that M. 
Decazes had commissioned Louvel to act, and a deputy * went 
so far as to denounce him in the Chamber as an accessory 
to the crime. ‘These assertions would not stand a moment’s 
investigation, but passion is unreasonable, and party leaders 
would rather profit by the blindness of the masses than 
attempt to enlighten them. On the other hand, an effort 
was made at the Chateau to turn the grief of the Duchesse 
de Berry to account. Assuming that her repugnance was 
unjustifiable, could the King insist that she should see a man 


7M. Clausel de Coussergues. 


PROMISES OF MONSIEUR 27 


who inspired her with such repulsion? Was it not right to 
make allowance for her grief and her condition? Excitement 
went so far that M. Decazes had reason to fear for his personal 
safety. Threatening murmurs were heard about him when 
he crossed the halls of the Life Guards, and his life was in 
danger at every cross roads. The King yielded. It was 
necessary to fill his place in the ministry, as he was President 
of the Council and Minister of the Interior. Monsieur un- 
dertook to smooth away these difficulties. 

Since M. Pasquier had replaced General Dessolles as 
Minister of Foreign Affairs,! the Duc de Richelieu had given 
friendly and loyal support to the ministry of which M. 
Decazes was the head. In token of his good-will he had 
just accepted a commission to compliment King George IV. 
upon his accession. ‘The death of his old father had made 
George IV. sovereign of the country which he had been 
governing for fifteen years as Prince Regent. ‘The Duke 
had proposed to start at the very moment when the Duc de 
Berry expired, and his journey was consequently delayed. 
The King sent proposals to him that he should take M. 
Decazes’s place, but he refused to assent. Monsieur sent for 
him and begged him to accept;, the Duc de Richelieu once 
more and with greater energy refused when confronted with 
the Prince. At length, driven to extremes, he said that his 
strongest objection was the impossibility of governing on 
behalf of an invalid monarch who seemed constantly at the 
point of death, when the heir to the crown and all his friends 
were in opposition. 

“Tf I were to accept, Sire, in one year you would be leading 
the opposition against my administration.” 


' Ministry of November 19, 1819. M. Decazes, President of the 
Council; M. Pasquier, Minister of Foreign Affairs; M. Roy, Minister 
of Finances; M. de La Tour Maubourg, Minister of War; M. de Serre, 
Minister of Justice; M. Portal, Naval Minister. 


28 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Monsieur gave his word of honour that he would support 
the measures of the Duc de Richelieu in every possible way, 
but the Duc still held out; at length he renewed his supplica- 
tions on his knees in an absolutely literal sense, and begged 
him in the name of his misfortunes to come to the help of the 
family and to protect what was left of it from the assassin’s 
knife. M. de Richelieu was much moved, but still hesitated. 
Monsieur continued: 

“Listen, Richelieu, this is a matter between gentlemen. 
Should I find anything to criticise in your actions, I. will 
promise you to discuss it frankly with you alone; but I will 
loyally and constantly support the administration of your 
Government, and this I promise upon the blood-stained body 
of my son and upon my word of honour as a gentleman.’”* 

M. de Richelieu was overcome and deeply touched; he 
bowed respectfully over the hand which was held out to him, 
saying, ‘“‘I accept, Sire.” 

Three months afterwards Monsieur was at the head of 
every opposition and at the bottom of every intrigue. Pos- 
sibly, however, at the moment he was acting in good faith. 
In any case, he then led M. de Richelieu triumphantly to the 
King, who received him with no great cordiality. While 
Monsieur was doing his best to facilitate the retirement of 
M. Decazes, the King was striving to raise obstacles, in the 
hope that the uproar would die away, and that he would 
be able to keep the object of his affection near him. M. 
Decazes held a sounder view of his own position. He 
had attempted to bring public opinion to his side by pro- 
posing laws of exemption, and by personally demanding the 
repeal of the election law, the very measure which he had 
formerly supported with so much warmth. When these steps 
did not conciliate the public, he understood that the ambitious 
party leaders would not allow the excitement to cool, and that 

‘Cp. Mémoires du Chancelier Pasquier, Vol. IV., pp. 353-354- 


MONSIEUR DECAZES 29 


it woula be impossible for him to defy the general resentment 
which was then overwhelming. M. de Chateaubriand was 
so ungenerous as to write that his feet were slipping in blood. 
He was indeed too enlightened to believe that M. Decazes 
was guilty of the murder of the Duc de Berry, but he wished 
to make his position, as minister, untenable, in the hope that 
he himself might be called in. 

As he was unable to make head against the storm, the 
favorite extorted permission to resign from the King. The 
monarch only yielded with the keenest grief, and, as some 
alleviation of his royal vexation, he nominated him peer, 
duke, and his Ambassador at London. Until he could enter 
upon his new duties he went away to his estates in the south. 
The exasperation against him was so keen that it was not 
safe for him to travel in his own name. As his carriages 
were numerous enough to attract attention, he made use of 
the relays which had been ordered by the Duc de Laval 
Montmorency,’ who was returning to his post at Madrid. It 
was amusing to hear the fury. of the latter upon the fancy 
which the Duc Decazes had taken to travel incognito, under 
the name of Montmorency. 


1 Adrien de Montmorency, (See first volume of these Memoirs, p. 194.) 


CHAPTER III 


Second Ministry of the Duc de Richelieu—Presents sent by mistake to 
the Duc de Castries—Trial of Louvel—Intrigues of the Ultra party 
—The Duchesse de Berry takes part in them—The execution of 
Louvel—Political agitation—Institutions founded at Chambéry by 
M. de Boigne—M. Lainé—Queen Caroline of England—Her con- 
duct in Savoy—Birth of the Duc de Bordeaux—Observation by 
General Pozzo—Promotion of Knight Commanders. 


M.pE RICHELIEU became President of the Council, holding 
no portfolio." M. Pasquier continued to hold the Ministry 
of Foreign Affairs, M. Siméon’ was Minister of the Interior, 
and M. Portal? was Naval Minister. M. de Serre held the 
Seals, and M. Roy was Minister of Finance.’ 


* The Ministry of February 20, 1820, was composed of the same per- 
sons as the Cabinet of the preceding November 19, with the exception of 
M. Decazes, who was replaced by the Duc de Richelieu as President of 
the Council and by M. Siméon as Minister of the Interior. 

* Joseph Jéré6me, Comte Siméon (1749-1842), professor of jurispru- 
dence at the University of Aix in 1778, deputy to the Council of the Cinq 
Cents, councillor of state in 1804, minister of King Jéréme of Westphalia, 
Prefect of the North at the Restoration in 1814, deputy to the Undiscoy- 
erable Chamber and councillor of state in 1815, Under Secretary of State 
to the Ministry of Justice, Minister of the Interior in 1820; comte in 
1818, peer in 1821. He supported the July Monarchy, was first president 
of the Audit Office in 1857, and member of the Academy of Moral and 
Political Science. 

* Pierre Barthélemy, Baron Portal (1765-1845), a ship-owner before 
1789. He was president of the Chamber of Commerce at Bordeaux, 
councillor-general for the Gironde, attorney to the Council of State in 
1811, Director of the Colonies under the Restoration, and deputy for 
Tarnet Garonne, Naval Minister in 1819, and peer of France. He sup- 
ported the July Monarchy. 

*See second volume of these Memoirs concerning M. Pasquier 
(p. 121); De Serre (p. 328); De La Tour Maubourg (p. 324); Roy 
(p. 331); and the Duc de Richelieu (p. 108). 


30 


DUC DE RICHELIEU 31 


The war was left in the somewhat clumsy hands of M. de 
La Tour Maubourg; he was, however, a prominent figure; 
his loyal character and his wooden leg made an imposing 
effect. Military affairs were guided by M. de Caux. 

This Government was reinforced by the addition of MM. 
de Reyneval,* Mounier, and Portalis.? 

M. de Richelieu used scrupulous care in searching for 
men of talent, with the object of using their support and of 
stimulating their capacity by placing them in prominent 
positions. No one was ever less amenable to the paltry 
desire of advertising his own impartiality. He was con- 
scientiously anxious to find the right man for a post, and not 
to find the right post for a man whom he wished to favour. 
In consequence he had many supporters, but no following. 
I am inclined to think that representative government is 
established upon so immoral a principal of personal interest 
that this praiseworthy impartiality, instead of being a merit, 
becomes a hindrance to a minister. I wish I could believe 
the contrary, but my experience forbids. 

Of all the administrations of my time, this was undoubtedly 
the strongest, the cleverest, and most united. Hence in less 
than two years it was able to lay foundations of such strength 
that the Restoration could raise upon them unharmed the 
follies that accumulated during the eight years that followed. 
During the ninth year the centre of gravity was passed, and 


‘Francois Maximilien Gérard, Comte de Reyneval (1778-1836). 
First Secretary to the Embassy in Russia from 1807-1812, and at Lon- 
don in 1814; Ministerial Director and Under Secretary of State in 1820. 
Minister at Berlin in 1821, Ambassador in Switzerland, 1825. During 
the illness of M. de Ferronnays, he was recalled to the ministry and made 
responsible for the conduct of foreign affairs. In 1829 he was Ambassa- 
dor at Vienna, and was at Madrid after the revolution of 1830. 

2 Under Secretaries of State to the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, of the 
Interior, and of Justice. For M. Portalis, see second volume of these 
Memoirs, p. 294, and M. Mounier, Vol. IL., p. 313. 


32 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


the structure fell with a crash. If this Ministry had lasted 
longer, there is every reason to suppose that the monarchical 
government, wisely controlled, would have been sufficiently 
established in men’s minds to over-awe the positions of the 
Right and the Left and to resist their united attacks. Would 
that those useful foundations could be restored! Let us hope 
that they may not be wholly lost in the process of demolition. 

It has been proved by subsequent events that this form of 
government was entirely satisfactory to the needs and wishes 
of the immense majority in the country. ‘The second 
Richelieu Ministry reproduced what has been known since 
the Revolution of 1830 as the “‘golden mean.” ‘This phrase, 
in the language of every country, means the nearest approach 
to common sense that circumstances will permit. 

The King was more deeply affected by the loss of M. De- 
cazes than he had been by the death of his nephew. His 
affection had been heightened by the disregard that had been 
shown for it, and he alleviated his vexation by continual petty 
demonstrations, even of a ridiculous nature. A portrait of 
M. Decazes, magnificently framed, was placed in his room. A 
miniature portrait stood upon his desk. Upon the day of the 
_ minister’s departure he gave as the password ‘‘ Elie et Char- 
tres,” accompanying these witha deep sigh. M. Decazes was 
called Elie, and was to sleep at Chartres. As the password for 
the next day he gave Zélie, the name of Mme. Princeteau, and 
the name of the town where the travellers were staying. Then 
came the name of Mme. Decazes, Egidie. ‘Thus he followed 
them from inn to inn until they reached Bordeaux. 

On the day before the departure, the Duc de Castries* had 


* Armand Charles Augustin de La Croix, Duc de Castries (1756-1842), 
son of the Marquis de Castries (1727-1801). He was a colonel during 
the American war, became field-marshal in 1788, deputy in 1789, and 
went into exile; was made peer of France June 14, 1814, and lieutenant- 
general on June 22. 


PRESENTS TO DE CASTRIES 33 


received a fine portrait of the King at nine o’clock in the 
evening. At ten o’clock the magnificent work of Daniel! 
upon India, most beautifully illustrated, was brought to his 
house. Both of these presents were brought by footmen 
from the King. Unaccustomed to receive such favours, the 
Duc uttered most effusive thanks until he could come him- 
self and express to his Majesty in person his gratitude for 
this kindness. At midnight a messenger came to his room 
with a great bustle “from the King.” ‘This time he brought 
a most beautiful case, with ducal crowns in relief upon every 
face, containing the gold medals which had been struck 
since the Revolution. The Duc de Castries rubbed his 
eyes, and could not understand the reason for these marks 
of distinction. After long reflection he went to sleep 
again, to dream upon the matter. At three o’clock he 
was again aroused, but this time a footman came with an 
infinity of excuses to request the return of the presents. 
The King’s messenger had been misled by the title 
“Duc,” which M. Decazes had only received the previous 
evening, and had brought to M. de Castries the objects 
which his Majesty had intended for the favourite. The 
Duc de Castries remained the poorer by the louis which 
he had distributed to the bearers of these transitory 
splendours. 

The preliminary trial of Louvel aroused all the Royalist 
passions and animosities. M. de Bastard’ was almost 
regarded as his accomplice because he refused to rec- 
ognise accomplices in those whom party spirit marked 

‘Samuel Daniel, an English traveller (1775-1811), an author and 
illustrator. His two chief works were African Scenes and A Description 
of Ceylon, which he illustrated. 

2 Dominique Francois Marie, Comte de Bastard, d’Estang (1783- 
1844), councillor at the court of Paris in 1810, first president of the court 


of Lyons, member of the Chamber of Peers in 1819. He was in charge 
of the preliminary investigation. 


34 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


as such. The Duc de Fitzjames distinguished himself 
in this search for the assassins. The Duchesse de Berry 
supported his views by a miserable and blameworthy 
intrigue. 

A bomb was placed in a disused stove which stood upon 
a secret staircase of the King’s apartments. ‘The explosion 
was violent, but the old monarch was not greatly disturbed. 
Search was made for the authors of this outrage without 
success. Other bombs were discovered about the Tuileries, 
and some went off beneath the windows of the Duchesse de 
Berry. Soon she found threatening letters in her room. 
One in particular was placed upon her dressing-table, and 
purported to be written by the confederates of Louvel; it 
contained appalling threats against the Princess and her 
unborn child. The police were in despair at their inability 
to discover any clue to a plot which was proclaimed with 
such audacity. How was it possible for any one to have 
made their way so far into the palace as to place a paper 
upon the dressing-table of the Duchesse de Berry? Her 
servants were examined, but their answers threw no lght 
upon the matter. 

At length a favourite chambermaid of the Princess was 
examined, and she was so obviously ill at ease that she was 
plied with questions. She was asked to write a few lines 
upon some pretext, and suspicion was increased by her un- 
willingness. She was sent back to the palace, while her 
handwriting was submitted to experts, and the ministers, 
after this cross-examination, expressed great pity for the fate 
of those in high positions who were.exposed to the treachery 
of servants whom they overwhelmed with favours. In the 
evening the King called an Extraordinary Council, and 
declared with some embarrassment and much sadness that — 
all further investigation must be brought to an end. He 
explained that after the cross-examination the chambermaid 


BOMBS IN THE TUILERIES 35 


had informed her royal mistress that she was unable to lie 
under oath; she also-saw that these gentlemen suspected the 
truth, and she could not promise to hide it at a second 
cross-examination. The Duchesse de Berry sent for her 
confessor, and commissioned him to inform Monsieur that 
the bombs were an invention of her own. The letters had 
been written at her dictation, and placed where they were 
found by her orders. She was, however, quite sure 
that she had merely anticipated the intentions of the 
assassins, and she wished to stimulate the activity of 
the police, which she thought required some rousing, 
as all the agents of M. Decazes had not yet been 
dismissed. If her good intentions were not adequate 
as an explanation, she was the only person to be blamed, 
for her servants had acted only by her orders. She 
added that her chambermaid had only written the famous 
threatening letter at her imperative orders and after long 
discussion. Monsieur was obliged to carry this disagree- 
able communication to the King, who transmitted it to 
the Council. After giving this account in a low voice, 
while the Council listened with downcast eyes, the King 
added: 

“Gentlemen, I will ask you to spare the reputation of 
my niece as far as possible, although she deserves no con- 
sideration.” 

As a matter of fact, the business was protracted to con- 
ceal the real facts from subordinate officials. Those servants 
of the Princess who had been summoned, including the maid 
who had written the letter, were brought back, and were 
questioned in a reassuring manner. By degrees the pursuit 
was relaxed, and after some days public feeling was confined 
to disgust with the police authorities and their inability to 
discover anything, when material proof existed that the 
Duchesse de Berry was surrounded by assassins and traitors. 


36 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


The leading members of the Pavillon de Marsan were loudest 
in their outcries.* 

I believe that this affair was the introduction of the Duchesse 
de Berry to a career of intrigue. It was a promising begin- 
ning, and was not disappointed by subsequent events. 
After the death of the Duc de Berry, the Duchesse had 
settled in the Tuileries, in the suite which the Prince had 
occupied, where he had been accustomed to hold his court 
upon reception days. ‘The Duchesse often regretted that 
she had not continued to remain independent in a sep- 
arate establishment from the outset of her widowhood, 
for she could no longer secure permission to inhabit the 
Elysée. 

The commissioners who were responsible for the prelim- 
inary trial of Louvel needed all their courage to disregard 
the approaches of partisan influence; especially was this 
true of the president, the Comte de Bastard. The Chancel- 


* During the night of April 28, 1820, a bomb exploded in the gateway 
of the Louvre. On May 7, the police arrested the author of the outrage 
in the act of exploding another and larger bomb. He was a certain 
Gravier, a half-pay officer of low character. Four months afterwards he 
was condemned to death by the Court of Assizes at Paris, but his punish- 
ment was commuted to hard labour at the request of the Duchesse de 
Berry, who was then expecting the birth of the Duc de Bordeaux. 

On January 27, 1821, after the birth of the prince, a loud explosion 
resounded within the Chateau, not far from the King’s study, and was 
caused by the explosion of a barrel containing nearly 6 lb. of gunpowder. 
It was four o’clock in the afternoon. 

On the following days other bombs exploded about the Tuileries, and 
finally a further explosion took place in broad daylight within the corri- 
dor of the Treasury on January 31. A certain Neveu, a suspicious char- 
acter, was arrested, and cut his throat while he was being taken to the 
police office. Nothing transpired to show that there was any connection 
between these outrages. It was upon February 3 or 4, at the time that 
the note was found on the table of the Duchesse de Berry, and that the 
incidents related by Mme. de Boigne took place. 

Baron Pasquier, who was minister, wrote in his Mémoires (Vol. V., p. 
97): ‘‘The imprudence of the Princess in no way cleared the authors of 


TRIAL OF LOUVEL 37 


lor, Dambray,' had been a wretched minister and an incom- 
petent President of the Chamber of Peers, but when he 
directed the Chamber in his legal capacity he seemed to be 
in the right place, and showed himself an upright and im- 
partial administrator. He supported the conclusion of the 
President, and asserted that Louvel was a morose and 
solitary fanatic, who had held no communication with any- 
body during the eighteen months that he had entertained 
his dreadful purpose, though he shared the revolutionary 
doctrines which the press and the Jacobins were sedulously 
propagating. The Ultra party in the court, in the town, 
and especially in the provinces, were by no means satisfied 
with this result of the inquiry, and everybody had some 
irrefutable proof to show that some neighbour was implicated. 

The pleadings upon the case produced no revelations, and 
the condemnation and execution passed off without obstacle. 
Louvel was taken to the Place de Gréve at three o’clock in 
the afternoon,’ escorted by the execrations of the populace, 
but no disturbance was aroused, though popular opinion was 
greatly agitated by the debates upon the new law of election, 
and though upon the preceding days there had been gather- 


the outrage of the 27th, and their discovery remained as important as 
before. ‘The Duchesse de Berry was doubtless silly and impulsive, but 
she was not capable of constructing a serious plot, and it is difficult to 
believe that she could have conceived this idea of herself. Who then 
could have made the suggestion? Possibly the Princess revealed the 
author of it to the King and to Monsieur, but nothing was ever disclosed. 
He was thus obliged to keep his regrets to himself, and for a long time he 
bore the burden of reproaches for imprudence, clumsiness, and almost 
for treachery. For several months the conflicting parties poured sus- 
picion and insult upon one another from the tribune, and the minister 
who was the object of these attacks, was obliged to be present at the de- 
bates while tongue-tied. Our opinion has thus been confirmed that there 
are political passions which nothing can disarm, and that it is not pru- 
dent to count upon gratitude.” 

1 See first volume of these Memoirs, p. 364. 

2 He was condemned on June 6, and executed on June 7. 


38 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


ings so tumultuous as to require the presence of an armed 
force. ‘These groups, however, were chiefly formed of half- 
pay officers, and of young students excited by Liberal de- 
bates, and would not have dared to declare themselves in 
favour of an assassin. 

The Government made a sufficient show of force without 
any unnecessary severity. A few blows with the flat of the 
sword and a few mounted charges proved sufficient. A sen- 
tinel who had fired upon young Lallemant,' a law student, was 
brought to trial. ‘The discussion of the law was concluded.? 

The ministers Pasquier and De Serre respectively de- 
feated the Opposition arguments by their talents and clever- 
ness, and peace was restored for the moment. However, 
the revolutionary party was reinforced by the military party, 
which provided men of action who had been suddenly 
checked in a career of energy and men whose feelings were 
hurt by the Restoration, against which they were animated 
by a vindictive hatred. ‘These inclinations had been sup- 
pressed during the foreign occupation, but, after the liberation 
of the country, plots were woven in every direction. This 
was a danger inevitably consequent upon the evacuation of 
a territory, and should have been foreseen and met. 

Notwithstanding the judgment of the Court of Peers, the 
Duchesse de Berry built a tomb at Rosny, containing the 
heart of her unfortunate husband, upon which she placed the 
inscription: 

“Fallen beneath the blows of party faction.” 


1A Jaw student killed upon the Place Louis XV. by a soldier of the 
Royal Guard in the course of an uproarious demonstration. Some col- 
lisions had taken place, at the moment when the deputies left the Cham- 
ber, between several of the guards and the students. 

2A new law which established the colleges of departments and of 
arrondissements was passed on June 12 in the Chamber of Deputies by 
154 votes against 95, and on the 28th in the Chamber of Peers by 141 
against 56. 


DE BOIGNE AT CHAMBERY 39 


This proceeding shocked the feelings of the nation which 
had so generously shared her grief. M. de Chateaubriand 
published a history of the Duc de Berry, in which he repre- 
sented the crime as committed by France. These two 
monuments to the memory of the Prince alienated public 
sympathy from his widow. 

M. de Chateaubriand was deeply wounded because he had 
not been called to join the new Ministry. Louis XVIII. 
was by no means anxious to nominate him, and M. de 
Richelieu shared these views. As, however, he had been a 
leading figure in the intrigues of the Pavillon de Marsan, 
although Monsieur did not like him, the King agreed to 
pay the debts with which he was always encumbered, and he 
was sent out as Prussian Minister. He remained but a short 
time at Berlin, as he had been already appointed to Stock- 
holm, where he never desired to go.? 

The waters of Aix had done me so much good the previous 
year that I was anxious to revisit the town. I also wished 
to be present at the opening of a handsome institution which 
M. de Boigne was founding at Chambéry. This was the 
refuge of Saint Benoit, which was intended to shelter forty 
persons from the middle classes of society who were over 
sixty years of age and without means. ‘This provision was 
intended for ecclesiastics, old soldiers, retired clerks, etc., 
widows or old maids who had lost their parents or were 
penniless. M. de Boigne had endowed this institution with 
a considerable income, and had been careful to provide 
everything which could secure for its future inhabitants an 


1 He wanted the post of Constantinople, which had become vacant in 
consequence of the nomination of the Marquis de Riviére as Captain of 
the Guards to Monsieur. M. Pasquier, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
had already given it to M. de La Tour Maubourg, and he was obliged to 
content himself with Berlin. ‘He did not hurry to take up his appoint- 
ment, though he finally arrived there” (Mémoires du Chancelier Pasquier, 
Vol. V., p. 67.) 


4O COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


existence both comfortable and peaceful. I heartily ap- 
proved of this noble idea, and had every satisfaction in doing 
the honours of the first meal given to the ‘‘refugees,” as the 
inhabitants of the institution were to be known, and to the 
local authorities who had been invited upon this occasion. 
I spent that day and almost the whole of the next day with 
the new inhabitants, whose pleasure was a real happiness to 
behold. M. de Boigne had left nothing undone to secure 
fheir comfort. 

Of all the numerous charities with which he endowed 
Chambéry, this house of refuge always seemed to me the 
most useful and the most satisfactory to himself. He built 
a wing to the hospital, a lunatic asylum, a hospital for 
strangers, and one for skin diseases. He built barracks, a 
theatre, opened streets, planted boulevards, built houses. ‘To 
crown his work, he refounded the convent of the Capuchins 
and the college of the Jesuits towards the end of his life, 
when he became extremely religious. His religion, however, 
was in a class of its own, for with the authorisation of the 
Jesuit directors the Capuchins kept Lent and fasted for 
General de Boigne with the aid of demand notes for two 
thousand pounds of meat upon the butchers of Chambéry, 
which notes he presented to the convent. 

I cannot say how these matters were finally arranged; 
they are the affair of Providence. This mode of fasting 
pleased me extremely, and M. de Boigne himself used to Beer 
fun at his good friends the Capuchins. 

It was during this stay that I made at the waters this 
year that I began my greatest intimacy with M. Lainé,} 
which confirmed me in my opinion that he was by no means 
a statesman. He would himself often say that he was un- 
fitted for business. He had refused a request from M. de 
Richelieu to re-enter the Ministry, and yet, with the natural 


1 See second volume of these Memoirs, p. 135. 


MONSIEUR LAINE 41 


inconsistency of human vanity, he had been wounded because 
this sacrifice was not extorted from his patriotism. 

The great military conspiracy which had been on foot for 
several months broke out in the month of August of this 
year.” M. Lainé received details of it by every post, which 
only came twice a week. He would open his letters with 
horror, and as they inspired him with hope or uneasiness, his 
temperature would rise or fall. He would come to my house 
to wait for the post, and within ten days I have seen him 
pass alternately from absolute confidence to utter despair 
thrice in succession. All was saved, and again, all was lost. 
He would then expound the reason of his fears or of his 
hopes with an eloquence which was quite contagious, but 
which soon lost all influence upon myself, for the reason that 
the impressions which it explained were constantly changing, 
and a weak woman like myself was obliged to try and cheer 
him up by repeating his arguments of the evening before. 
But he would listen to no arguments as soon as his imagina- 
tion had been turned in another direction. After uttering 
his hymn of joy or despair, he would return home and go to 
bed, have an attack of fever, and wait for the next post, 
talking more calmly in the interval. 

M. Lainé was a tall, dry man, angular and awkward; his 
face was ugly and without character. His conversation was 
generally cold, measured, and uninteresting; one might spend 
evenings with him, and hear him drop a few short phrases 
into the conversation without connection or purpose. If, 
however, some fact struck his imagination, his face would 


* Conspiracy of August 20, 1820, in which were compromised old ser- 
vants of the Emperor, certain deputies from the Left, such officers as 
the Duc de Rovigo, MM. de Lafayette, de Corcelle, Manuel, d’Argenson, 
Dupont de l’Eure, Lafitte, Foy, Generals Pajol, Grouchy, Vandamme, 
Merlin, Colonel Fabvier, etc. The chief criminals escaped, and during 
the trial before the Court of Peers the punishment fell chiefly upon men 
of no account, lawyers and officers on half-pay, etc. 


42 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


grow animated, his eyes would sparkle, his gestures become 
dignified, his voice sonorous, and in short the whole per- 
sonality of the man would change. ‘These periods of excite- 
ment were followed by a reaction which produced a complete 
collapse. Such moments of inspiration were felt by M. 
Lainé for his own benefit, and he did not require the excite- 
ment of an audience. I have heard him make ten speeches 
in my little room at Aix which would have been received 
with deafening applause if they had been declaimed in the 
Chamber. On the other hand, if he had been obliged a 
moment afterwards to answer some antagonist, our brilliant 
improviser would not have found a word to say unless the 
antagonist had succeeded in arousing his anger. He had 
splendid opposition talents, and no one could rise with greater 
dignity or magnificence against what he thought wrong, but 
the style of his eloquence was not governmental. He was too 
deeply irritated by partisan arguments advanced in bad faith, 
and if he could not crush them at one blow, he was unable to 
carry on that skirmishing warfare which ministers are forced 
to employ. Of the six weeks I spent in the daily society 
of M. Lainé, I have preserved friendship for him as a man, 
admiration for his eloquence, and a total lack of confidence 
in his judgment. 

The carriages of Queen Caroline of England’ were passing 
through Aix. We were informed that she had been staying 
in an inn upon the Geneva route, and strange stories reached 
us from that quarter. Curious to know the truth upon 
these details, I made inquiries a short time afterwards when 
I was following the same route. I stopped at an inn at 
Rumilly. A very respectable-looking girl was working in the 
kitchen, and I asked her a few questions about the Queen’s 
stay. She replied with downcast eyes that she knew nothing. 

“The Queen did not stay here, then ?”’ 


1 See second volume of these Memoirs, chapter IV. 


QUEEN CAROLINE 43 


“Oh yes, Madame, but I was not here.” 

The mistress of the inn then came up, and told me that 
the Queen had stayed a week at her house, but that after 
the first evening she had hastened to send away her daughters 
to one of their aunts. 

“T was ashamed, Madame, of what I saw myself, and did 
not even like sending my servants to wait upon her.” 

It seems that the courier Bergami had grown too lazy to 
satisfy the taste of this immoral princess, although she still 
remained under his influence. Under pretext of a conference 
with the English Minister at Berne to arrange for her journey 
through Switzerland, she had sent him away, and had spent 
the week of his absence in a perpetual orgie with her other 
servants. Indignation reached such a pitch in the little 
town which her presence had defiled that upon the day of 
her departure, when a quarrel broke out between one of 
her servants and a postillion, the Queen attempted to secure 
silence by her royal word, whereupon there was an explosion 
of popular indignation. The whole populace rose, and 
threatened to stone her, and she ran some risk of being thus 
assaulted. Such was the honourable person loudly claimed 
as sovereign by a large proportion of the English nation, a 
fact which provides further proof of opposition good faith in 
every country.” 

After spending some days in the delights which I was 
always certain of finding at Geneva, I passed the Jura in the 


‘Political animosity rose high in England at that moment, and the 
parties made capital of the domestic dissensions in the royal family. 
Queen Caroline was given a triumphal reception upon her return to 
England by the people as a demonstration against the Tory Ministry. 
George IV. brought her to trial for adultery before the Peers. After de- 
bates lasting for six months, from June 5 to November ro, 1820, the 
Queen was acquitted. She died on August 7 of the next year. Not- 
withstanding her acquittal, she had not been admitted to her husband’s 
coronation, which took place on July 19, 1821, at Westminster. 


44 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


midst of the snow, and reached Paris on the evening of the 
birth of the Duc de Bordeaux.’ I do not deny that it caused 
me keen joy, and that I repeated all the Royalist exaggera- 
tions concerning this ‘miraculous child,” as we called him. 
Indeed, remembering as we did that his father’s death had 
seemed to secure the extinction of the branch, and that this 
feeble scion had survived all the mental and physical agitation 
of his unhappy mother during that fatal evening in February 
13, it was easy to see the finger of Providence in this event, 
and to count upon its protection. 

At the same time, I well remember an incident which 
struck me at the time, and which we have often recalled 
since. I was walking in my drawing-room with Pozzo, and 
had been expressing my enthusiasm at this birth for an hour; 
suddenly he stopped, put a hand on my arm, and said: 

“You seem very pleased, very happy, and very delighted. 
You hear those bells ringing? Well, I tell you they are 
tolling the death-knell of the House of Bourbon, and do not 
forget what I have said.” 

Pozzo’s premonitions were only too correct. The birth 
of the Duc de Bordeaux induced his family to begin attempts 
for the re-establishment of the absolute monarchy, and also 
deprived the people of their hopes that the older line, with 
which they were not in sympathy, would become extinct.’ 
Thus it is that the prophecies of weak mortals are often 
overthrown by the decrees of Providence, and that our cries 


1Henri Charles Ferdinand Marie Dieudonné, Duc de Bordeaux, 
Henri V., Comte de Chambord (September 29, 1820, to August 24, 1883.) 

* It should certainly be added that this posthumous birth cut short the 
hopes of the crown which the younger prince was known to entertain, and 
prevented his legitimate accession. Regarding events in better perspec- 
tive and with historical impartiality, as we can now observe them, it 
might seem better for the happiness of France if the Duc de Bordeaux 
had never come into the world. But this consideration is no excuse for 
anything that took place. 


DUC DE BORDEAUX’S BIRTH 45 


of joy were to be turned into lamentations. I must do 
Pozzo the justice to recognise that he was one of the few 
people who predicted the fact at that time. The Duke of 
Wellington expressed himself in almost similar terms upon 
the occasion of the marriage of the Duc de Berry: some one 
had said that the Duchesse seemed too feeble to have much 
hope of children, and he replied: 

“Tt would be very fortunate for the Restoration. ‘The 
best chance for the Restoration to establish itself is to leave 
some hope that the reigning branch may become extinct.” 

Party spirit set rumours in circulation concerning the 
birth of the Duc de Bordeaux which could not be maintained 
for a moment, in view of the shamelessness of his royal 
mother. I do not propose to give any details of the event, 
or of the trial of the Queen of England. All that I will 
say is that the reports upon the maternal heroism of one of 
these princesses and upon the scandalous life of the other 
made the newspapers so disgusting for several days that it was 
impossible to leave them lying about. 

At the time when the Duc de Bordeaux was baptised, a 
promotion of Knights Commanders took place. ‘There had 
been some previous hesitation in holding this ceremony, 
because the King could not hold a Chapter before he was 
crowned, and the infirmity of Louis XVIII. did not permit 
him to endure the exposure of so long and wearisome a 
ceremony. None the less, it was decided that Knights 
should be made, but my father’s name did not appear on the 
list. ‘This was tantamount to a positive exclusion, as every 
other ambassador, whether retired or in office, was appointed. 
The King was still displeased with his retirement, and M. 
de Richelieu made the mistake of not pressing the point: 
thus he deeply wounded one of his warmest partisans, who by 
the very act of his retirement had given him a stronger mark 

1 For details of the birth, see the Mémoires of Mme. de Gontaut, p. 2109 ff. 


46 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


of confidence than French statesmanship is easily inclined to 
bestow. My father was deeply vexed, and I regret that I 
did not share his feelings more warmly. As he found but 
little sympathy about him, he kept silence upon the matter, 
and only afterwards did I learn how much he suffered. If 
he had spoken more freely, perhaps he would have felt the 
affront less deeply, but I was unable to believe that his sound 
common sense could place any great value upon a decoration 
which seemed to me quite trivial. 


CHAPTER IV 


Military insurrections—Congress of Troppau—Tact of Prince Metter- 
nich—He is reconciled to the Emperor Alexander—Conduct of the 
old King of Naples—the Pauwra—Description of it—Insurrection in 
Piedmont—The Prince de Carignan—Conduct of General Bubna 
at Milan—Death of the Emperor Napoleon. 


THE epidemic of military insurrection steadily increased. 
It had first broken out at Cadiz; an attempt had been made 
in our own city; Naples was attacked, and Piedmont soon 
afterwards. ‘The insurrection at Naples became a revolution. 
Our Government refused to countenance the armed interven- 
tion of the Austrians, hoping by negotiations to induce the 
Neapolitans voluntarily to renounce some of the concessions 
which they had extorted from the terror of the old King, and 
to content themselves with sacrifices which would at least 
permit the possibility of a monarchical government. In 
other words, the Government desired to replace the Spanish 
Constitution of 1812 by the French Charter of 1814. The 
absolutist powers cared little for such an example. A Con- 
gress was assembled at Troppau.' I am not writing history, 
and I do not propose to give a journal of this Congress nor 
of those which followed it. I mention it only to quote an 
anecdote not generally known, which I have upon excellent 
authority and which was not without its influence upon the 
history of the world. 


1The Congress of Troppau was attended by representatives of the 
Powers, by the Emperors of Austria and Russia, and by the King of 
Prussia (October to December, 1820). The Congress was then removed 
to Laybach. 


47 


AR uN COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


The Emperor Alexander, whose Liberalism had grown 
considerably cooler, happened to be at .a great dinner given 
by the Emperor of Austria, and spoke very warmly against 
the promoters of revolutions. He asserted that military 
governments were alone secure from overthrow, and added 
that the least insurrection among the troops would indeed 
be a mortal wound; he then went on to affirm that the 
Austrian, Russian, and Prussian armies were completely 

Prince Metternich! interrupted him by speaking of some- 
thing else. The Empéror seemed surprised and shocked. 
Everybody was astonished, and the dinner was concluded in 
silence. Hardly had he risen from the table when the 
Prince approached the Emperor and asked pardon for his 
impertinence; he thought that his words had shown ignorance 
of what was happening in Russia, and had therefore attempted 
to prevent him from speaking. He told the Emperor of the 
insurrection of the garrison of St. Petersburg. 

The garrison had deposed its officers and left the town to 
march upon the military colonies. ‘The Emperor protested 
that such a thing was impossible. Prince Metternich begged 
him to wait before declaring himself, promising him to keep 
the most absolute silence, and to permit his imperial majesty 
to be the first to spread the news in such terms as might 
seem to him most suitable. Forty-eight hours elapsed, and 
on the third day a courier arrived from St. Petersburg, con- 
firming the insurrection and the departure of the troops. 


1 Clement Wenceslas Lothaire, Count and afterwards Prince of Met- 
ternich Winneburg (1773-1859). The son of a diplomatist, he married 
the daughter of Prince Kaunitz in 1795. He was Minister at Dresden, 
afterwards at Berlin, and was Ambassador at Paris in 1806-1807. As 
Foreign Minister and Chancellor he remained in power until 1848, when 
he resigned in consequence of the insurrectionary movements in Vienna 
and Italy. Throughout this period he governed Austria, and remained 
the undisputed arbiter of Europe. He has left curious and instructive 
memoirs. 


TACT OF METTERNICH 49 


Their presence in the military colonies might have produced 
the gravest consequences, but they had been pursued and 
brought back by force or persuasion. ‘The danger had been 
suppressed, and it was in order to be able to assure the 
Emperor of this fact that the courier had been delayed so 
long.’ 

The Emperor was very angry at learning so important an 
event through a foreign channel, and rated his servants 
soundly. He was, however, greatly impressed by the way 
in which Prince Metternich was served by his agents, and 
was most grateful to him for the secrecy which he had faith- 
fully preserved, even before the Emperor his master. It 
was from that moment that the Emperor Alexander became 
a prey to the terrors which poisoned the rest of his life, and 
also conceived that confidence in Prince Metternich which 
soon became unlimited. 

At this moment Prince Ypsilanti’ left the Russian flag 
to raise the standard of independence in Greece. At any 
other moment the St. Petersburg Cabinet, which had been 
preparing for this catastrophe during the last century, would 
certainly have supported him in every way. The Emperor, 


1In the Nachgelassen Papieren of Prince Metternich, Vol. III., p. 
377, we read: November 15, 1820. 

“To-day we have news of the outbreak of the regiment of Semanoff- 
sky; at bottom it is but a trifle, and yet it is disagreeable. . . . Last night 
three couriers came one after another; immediately afterwards the Em- 
peror Alexander sent for me and related the whole business. Our opin- 
ions upon it coincided precisely.” 

If Mme. de Boigne’s account is authentic, the Prince must have 
received the news during the day of November 15, and the Emperor only 
during the night, to give time for the scene at the dinner. 

? Alexander Ypsilanti, a Russian general, son of Prince Constantine, a 
former hospodar of Wallachia. Born at Constantinople in 1792, he was 
aide-de-camp to the Emperor Alexander I. He led a revolt among the 
Greeks, the Moldavians, and the Wallachians, and entered Jassy in 
February, 1821. Disavowed by Russia and defeated, he was obliged to 
take refuge in Austria. He died in Vienna in 1828. 


50 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


however, was frightened by the character of the insurrection 
as a military movement, and easily yielded to the exhorta- 
tions of Prince Metternich. The latter was opposed to a 
war in the East, and was preoccupied only with the task . 
of securing the Austrian domination in Italy. 

The old King of Naples' had already been seen at Trop- 
pau,” accompanied by two enormous greyhounds, the sole 
objects of his anxiety: he had disregarded all his promises 
to his subjects, and had broken the most solemn oaths at 
the risk of danger to his son, who had remained in Naples 
as a hostage for his good faith. He had then followed the 
allied sovereigns to Laybach, had reviewed the Austrian 
troops to preach the crusade against his own States, and 
with tears in his eyes requested vengeance upon those whom 
he had sworn to protect. His wishes were accomplished, and 
his country was conquered, seized, pillaged, and ruined by 
the foreigner, after which he summoned up courage to return. 

He was escorted by commissaries of all the Powers, partly 
to remove his own fears and partly to give his triumph the 
moral support of a European sanction, also, and chiefly, in 
order to check the cruelty of that reaction which might have 
been inspired by the apprehensions which still dominated 


"Ferdinand I., King of the Two Sicilies (1751-1825), husband of that 
Queen Caroline whose letters have been published in the first volume; he 
was father of the Duchesse d’Orléans and grandfather of the Duchesse 
de Berry. He was the son of Charles III. of Spain. After the Congress 
of Laybach, an Austrian army restored him to his estates, in 1821. The 
Emperor Francis I. of Austria had married in 1790 his daughter, Maria 
Teresa Caroline (1772-1807). 

? The sovereigns assembled at Troppau wrote to the King of Naples on 
December 7, requesting him to join them. On December 12 the Nea- 
politan Parliament authorized the King to accept the invitation. He 
left Naples on the 13th, but did not reach Laybach until January 8th, as 
he had been stopped several times upon his road. The Emperor of 
Austria had arrived on the 4th, and the Emperor Alexander on the 7th 
of the month. Hence Mme. de Boigne is in error when she speaks of 
the presence of the King of Naples at Troppau. 


THE PAURA st 


him. Naples recalled his first return from Sicily with 
horror, and the world at large did not forget it. The hered- 
itary prince’ came to meet him as far as Rome. Com- 
missarles were present at the interview between these two 
royal personages. ‘There were many blushes when Pozzo, 
weeping with one eye and laughing with the other, related 
the discussion which arose between them upon the excess 
of their respective apprehensions. In Italy a spade is 
called a spade without circumlocution, and father and son 
talked freely of their ‘‘maladetta paura.”’ 

“FE che paura ti! @ io che ho avuto paura.”’ 

“Oh! cara maesta no, non era niente, @ dopo la sua 
partenza ch’é venuta la vera paura.”’ 

Then they related all the degrees and effects of this ter- 
rible ‘‘paura,” with a frankness which did not touch the 
hearts of their audience. Pozzo said to me: 

“When we came away from that interview, my colleagues 
and myself dared hardly look at one another for twenty-four 
hours.” 

Prince Metternich gave an account of the same subject, 
though the rustic pantomime of the old King must be added 
to his jargon to gain the full effect of the story. Ferdinand 
was continually speaking to him at Laybach “di questa 
maladetta paura.’”’ The minister’s impassive countenance 
persuaded the King that he did not understand the im- 
portance of his narrative, and he therefore asked him one 
day if he knew what the ‘“paura” was. When Prince 
Metternich gave a slightly disdainful answer, the King 
replied with extreme good-humour: 

1 Janvier Joseph, Duke of Calabria (1777-1830), King of the Two 


Sicilies from 1825 to 1830 under the name of Francis I. He was married 
in 1797 to the Archduchess Clementine, and in 1802 to Isabella the In- 


fanta of Spain. He had been in charge of the government during his" 


father’s absence, and was the father of the Duchesse de Berry, who was 
born of the first marriage in 1798. 


52 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


“No; it is not that...‘ ve lo diro io.) eee 


certa cosa’ which catches you there,” and he put his hand 
on the top of his head, and made a movement as though 
to twist it. “It seizes your brain, and makes it so ‘fin’ 
that you think it will come out of your head. ‘Poi scende 
allo stomacho . . .’ and you think that you are going to 
‘svenare ... pare’—that you are dying,” and there he 
clapped his hands to his stomach; ‘poi scende un po piu 
giu”; his hands made the same motion; ‘you feel a ‘dolor 
del diavolo,’ and “poi ...-pol.... brebré brepre samme 
upon which he dropped his hands and concluded his physio- 
logical description with an expressive gesture. 

When the military insurrection broke out in Piedmont, 
King Victor’ abdicated his throne, preferring this course to 
imitating the King of Naples and to humiliating himself 
before his subjects with the object of finally betraying them.? 
Victor was both too courageous and too loyal to play such a 
part, and the attitude of the Prince de Carignan® in this 
sad and ill-organised affair secured him the disapprobation 
of every party. 

I admit that I feel sufficient benevolence towards this 
prince to be tempted to explain my feelings. He was very 
young, had been brought up to hate the Austrians, with 
good reason, and knew that his feelings were shared by the 


1Victor Emmanuel I., of whom mention was made at the outset of 
Vol. II. 

? Victor Emmanuel I. abdicated in favour of his brother Charles Felix, 
last King of the elder line, on March 13, 1821. He died at Moncalieri 
on January 10, 1824. When King Victor abdicated, Charles Felix “‘was 
at Modena, whete he had gone to see his father-in-law, the King of Na- 
ples, who was returning from Laybach”’ (Marquis Costa deBeauregard, 
op. cit., p. 121.) The Prince de Carignan undertook the Regency. 

’ Charles Albert. Mme. de Boigne has spoken of him at the end of the 
first volume and at the beginning of the second. For the events of 1821 
see La Jeunnesse du Rot Charles Albert, by the Marquis Costa de Beau- 
regard of the French Academy, chapter V. 


GENERAL BUBNA 53 


King. Those about him had persuaded him that he was 
entering a general league uniting all the peoples of the 
Peninsula. Naples was already emancipated. Lombardy, 
the Romagna, and Tuscany were simultaneously to raise the 
flag of independence and to drive out the Germans. When 
once the Italian nationality had been re-established, the 
country would be divided into two large states, able to 
defend themselves against their neighbours, and the House 
of Savoy would naturally be called to govern a northern 
state. Such was the wild story by means of which the 
Prince de Carignan had been drawn into the conspiracy, 
together with the assurance that the King himself would 
gladly lend his support as soon as the movement had 
begun. 

When he saw that the insurrection was confined to Pied- 
mont, and that, far from producing an Italian union under 
the King of Sardinia, the object of the movement was to 
deprive the King of his authority, the Prince de Carignan 
perceived that he had been tricked by the revolutionary 
faction. He wished to withdraw from the plot, but his 
measures were clumsily taken. He betrayed his former 
confidants, and compromised his reputation as a man of 
honour to a wholly unnecessary extent. In any case, his 
punishment was severe. He was driven from Turin, and 
though he found refuge with his father-in-law at Florence, 
this door was only opened to him under the strictest and 
most humiliating conditions. 

The cleverness of General Bubna,’ the Austrian governor, 
had so successfully frustrated the plots woven in Lombardy 
that peace was maintained without recourse to great severity. 
It was only necessary for him to show that he was informed 
of these projects, and to advise those who were fomenting 
the disturbances that they had better retire. The method by 


1 See second volume of these Memoirs, chapters II. and V. 


54 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


which he drove out Lord Kinnaird,* one of the most active 
agents in the plot, was very characteristic. 

Lord Kinnaird was accustomed to play a game of whist 
every day at the general’s house. One evening, instead of 
making the usual appointment for the next day, Bubna 
accompanied his handshake with these words: 

“Good evening, my lord, and a pleasant journey to you.” 

‘What journey are you talking of ?” 

“Why, I am sorry to say that you are leaving us.” 

“Nothing of the kind.” 

“Oh yes. I have viséd your passport, and your horses are 
ordered for five o’clock in the morning. My lord, I wish you 
a pleasant journey. If you wish for an escort, it will be at 
your disposal at six o’clock; but the country is peaceful, and 
I do not think it will be necessary. So, my lord, a pleasant 
journey to you.” 

Lord Kinnaird started, in fact, at five o’clock precisely, 
without waiting for the escort which Bubna would certainly 
have sent. A dismissal announced in this manner before 
forty people informed the plotters that their plans were 
known, and that they had better abandon the project in 
which most of those present were implicated. 

General Bubna advised in a quieter manner certain lords 
of Lombardy, who were most deeply compromised, to leave 
the country for a time, and in particular to make a tour to 
Vienna. It was not until after his death that the plot was 
revived, and that governors of less dexterity were obliged to 
take severer measures. 

While these revolutionary passions were shaking Europe, 
the powerful hand which had tamed them and had used 
them to spread his fame throughout the world, the unarmed 
hand which was still the terror of the nations, yielded to the 


1 Lord Kinnaird had already been implicated in the story of the pistol 
shot fired at the Duke of Wellington. (See second yolume of these 
Memoirs, p. 297.) 


DEATH OF NAPOLEON I. ss 


most formidable of conquerors. On May 5, 1821, Napoleon 
Bonaparte breathed his last sigh upon a rock in the middle 
of the Atlantic. Destiny had thus prepared for him the 
most poetical of tombs. Upon the confines of two worlds, 
and famous only for the name of Bonaparte, St. Helena 
became the vast mausoleum of his vast glory. The age of 
his posthumous popularity had not yet begun for France. 
I heard the newspaper sellers in the street crying, “The 
death of Napoleon Bonaparte, two sous; his speech to 
General Bertrand, two sous; despair of Mme. Bertrand, two 
sous”; and this produced no more effect in the street than 
an advertisement for a lost dog. I can still remember that 
the most thoughtful of us were greatly struck by this strange 
indifference, and repeated, “ Vanity of vanities, all is vanity!” 
Yet glory is something; it has found its level once more, 
and centuries of admiration will recompense the Emperor for 
this moment of forgetfulness. 

I have no special details to give concerning the period of 
his exile. Details only came to me by the mouth of fanatical 
partisans or detractors. I knew some of those who accom- 
panied him, but they were anxious to profit by what they had 
to say. Gourgaud’ was attempting to sell his revelations, 
Bertrand’ to turn his fidelity to account, and in neither case 


1 Gaspard, Baron Gourgaud (1783-1852), artillery officer and orderly 
to the Emperor in 1811. After the abdication of Fontainebleau, he 
served under the Restoration in the King’s bodyguard, and resumed his 
appointment with Napoleon during the Hundred Days. He was chosen 
to accompany him to St. Helena, where he remained until 1818. He 
joined the July Monarchy, took service in the army, and became lieuten- 
ant-general and peer of France. He was a member of the Legislative 
Assembly in 1849. 

? Henri, Comte Bertrand (1773-1844), volunteer in 1792. Engineer 
officer and grand-marshal of the palace in 1813. He accompanied Na- 
poleon to the island of Elba and to St. Helena, where he remained until 
the Emperor’s death. He became a deputy after the Revolution of 
1830. He had married Mlle. Fanny Dillon, cousin-german of Mme, de 
Boigne. (See first volume of these Memoirs, p. 241.) 


56 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


were their stories worthy of credence. Still less was it possi- 
ble to trust the account given by Sir Hudson Lowe,’ who was 
overwhelmed by his responsibilities and had failed to under- 
stand his mission. He was constantly harassing the Emperor 
upon petty details and giving way to him upon essential points. 

If it is possible to form a correct idea of the life in general 
of Napoleon at St. Helena, his existence seems to have been 
magnificent in his recollections as attested by the splendid 
narrative which he dictated, and trivial as regards his actions, 
which point is again attested by the correspondence with 
Sir Hudson Lowe. In any case, the Emperor was so omnip- 
otent a character that even at the height of his glory, when 
he was shaking empires to their foundations, he could find 
time for the close consideration of details which a private 
individual would have neglected without scruple. Possibly 
characteristics which our want of sympathy styles petti- 
fogging are due to superabundant energy. 

Lord Castlereagh went into the study of George IV. and 
said to him: 

“Sir, I come to tell your Majesty that your mortal enemy 
is dead?” 

“What?!” he cried, ‘‘is it possible? Can she be dead ?” 

Lord Castlereagh was obliged to calm the monarch’s joy 
by explaining to him that he was not talking of the Queen, 
his wife, but of Bonaparte. A few months afterwards the 
hopes of the King were accomplished, and it must be ad- 
mitted that if such sentiments can ever be justified, they 
could be only by the conduct of Queen Caroline. Her 
death was a relief for everybody, and especially for the party 
which had undertaken the impossible task of repairing her 
honour. She died a victim to her excesses. | 


* Sir Hudson Lowe (1769-1844), lieutenant-general and governor of St. 
Helena. After Napoleon’s death, the English themselves judged his un- 
worthy conduct towards the Emperor with the severity which it deserved. 


CHAPTER V 


Intrigues against the Ministry—Mme. du Cayla—Resignation of the 
Duc de Richelieu—Conversation with Monsieur—The King’s 
anxiety—The Ministry of M. de Villéle—His character—The Con- 
gregation—Its projects. 


Tue Cabinet, under the guidance of the Duc de Rich- 
elieu, was now busily occupied. France was resum- 
ing her position among the nations, and was becoming 
a power worthy of consideration. The Eastern ques- 
tion was growing prominent and claimed discussion. Do- 
mestic prosperity was increasing with the continuance of 
peace. 

The Chamber of Peers had shown great indulgence to 
the conspirators of August, 1820, but the wisdom of 
the Government had displayed much consideration for 
the fomentors of disturbance, and their long-suffering at- 
titude had resulted in no great disaster. Statesman-like 
laws were in preparation, and ‘everything pointed to a 
session which would be uneventful and serviceable to the 
country. The Ministry, immersed in business and com- 
posed of men out of touch with the court intrigues, 
either did not know or disregarded the combinations in 
preparation. 

King Louis XVIII. required a favourite. The retire- 
ment of M. Decazes had left a blank which he de- 
sired to fill, Jf any one of his ministers had been 
willing to take this place, the King would have readily 
fallen in with his wishes, but no member of the Govern- 
ment was suitable for the purpose. Chance brought 

a7, 


58 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Mme. du Cayla* into the monarch’s study. She re- 
tained some remains of her former beauty, was a clever 
and intriguing woman, and utterly unscrupulous. The 
shameful methods by which she seduced the old King were 
only surpassed by the disgraceful salary which she received. 
If the Ministry had known more of her methods, it would have 
been possible to retain her as a paid subordinate. Her 
lust could have been entirely satisfied by money, but the 
Ministers despised her unduly. Thus she gained time to 
establish her influence, and prepared to use it for political 
purposes. 

I do not know whether she conceived the idea of joining 
her fortunes with those of M. de Villéle, or whether he first 
thought of using this vile instrument; I am, however, certain 
of the fact that Sosthéne de La Rochefoucauld, who had been 
for long years a more or less favoured lover of Mme. du 
Cayla, became the go-between of this most secret alliance.’ 
When once the alliance had been concluded, Monsieur was 
easily drawn into it, and the fall of the Richelieu Ministry 

1 Zoé Talon, Comtesse du Cayla (1784-1850.) She was the daughter 
of a secret agent of Louis XVIII. before the Restoration. She was ad- 
mitted to court and became the favourite of the old King, who left her a 
vast fortune. Mme. de Boigne has already spoken of her in the first 
volume of these Memoirs, pp. 254-255. ! 

2 « A Jess scrupulous and clever Minister might have used the favourite 
for his own support, but upon questions of intrigue M. de Richelieu car- 
ried simplicity and indifference to the greatest extremes. Some blamed 
him, while his friends, in my opinion with better reason, praised this 
feature of his character. The fact, however, remains that others se- _ 
cured the good offices which he despised to his own loss, and these were 
his worst enemies. ‘The councillors of Monsieur suddenly pointed out 
to him the advantages which could be derived from an influence which 
would enable him to overcome the King’s disinclination for giving his 
brother a share in the conduct of public business. The negotiation was 
conducted with all the promptitude of self-interest by the Duc de Dou- 


deauville and by his son, Sosthéne de La Rochefoucauld, one of the 
aides-de-camp to Monsieur.” (Mémoires du Chancelier Pasquier, Vol. 


VS DGioe 


DUC DE RICHELIEU RESIGNS 59 


was decided by this little council under the patronage of the 
Congregation. 

The intrigue broke out at the opening of the session. 
In the discussion upon the address in reply to the King’s 
speech, a phrase’ was proposed which might be interpreted 
as a censure upon the ministers, and it was speedily clear 
that it would be supported by the two Oppositions of the 
Right and Left, which had joined forces to attack the Ministry 
at this moment. 

The doctrinaires, under the influence of their leader, M. 
Royer Collard, were the backbone of this fictitious majority, 
being persuaded that they were to see the Ultra Ministry 
overthrown in three months, the place of which they would 
themselves be called to take. M. Royer Collard? was pos- 
sessed by that secret ambition which aims at securing every- 
thing while pretending to despise everything. ‘There is no 
man more dangerous or more bitter. With little talent and 
much self-advertisement, he had become a prominent figure. 
Two or three remarkable speeches could be quoted as 
delivered by him and a large number of catch-words which 
were rather empty than profound, but which were very 


1 The phrase, which has become famous, was as follows: ‘‘We have to 
congratulate ourselves on the fact that your Majesty’s relations with 
foreign powers have been those of unbroken friendship, in full confidence 
that so precious a peace has not been purchased by sacrifices incompati- 
ble with the honour of the nation and the dignity of the crown.” 

Louis XVIII. replied: ‘‘In exile and persecution I have supported my 
rights, the honour of my family and of the name of France. Upon the 
throne, surrounded by my people, I am indignant at the mere thought 
that I could sacrifice the honour of the nation and the dignity of the 
crown. I prefer to believe that the majority of those who have voted for 
this address have not carefully considered its several phrases. If they 
had had the time to weigh them, they would not have permitted an ex- 
pression which I cannot criticise as a King, and which as a father I prefer 
to forget.”” (Moniteur, December 1, 1821.) 

2 Pierre Paul Royer Collard (1763-1845), professor, lawyer, Constitu- 
tional Royalist, and Jansenist. 


60 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


fashionable for a certain time. ‘This precarious alliance of 
parties was the result of the manceuvres of M. de Villéle. 
This unnatural union would not have lasted a week if the 
Ministry had despised it. But M. de Villéle had counted 
upon finding M. de Richelieu too susceptible to insist upon 
retaining office when he seemed to be attacked by the dis- 
approval of one of the national organs. His hopes were 
justified. It was a mistake, for the Chamber of Deputies 
was speaking in the name of intrigue. But follies of this 
kind are characteristic only of the noblest natures. The 
King, moreover, had already been won over by the flatteries 
of Mme. du Cayla, and far from urging his ministers to hold 
out against a change that was obviously transitory, he 
encouraged them to make a Cabinet question of the vote 
upon the address. 

When it had become clear that the whole of the Ultra 
party, of which Monsieur was the leader, was working for 
the overthrow of the Ministry as actively as their chief, M. 
de Richelieu secured an interview with the Prince, and 
reminded him of the solemn pledge which he had given with 
so much earnestness the preceding year. Monsieur was in 
no wise disconcerted. 

“T would have given you many more pledges to have 
induced your acceptance at that time, for we were in so 
difficult a position that we were somewhat fortunate in being 
reduced only to yourself, and in being able to stop short at 
your shade of opinion; but you will understand, my dear 
Duc, that this could not go on.” 

M. de Richelieu turned his back with little respect and 
much indignation.’ He called his colleagues together, and 


1 Baron Pasquier relates at much greater length in his Mémoires (Vol. 
V., p. 409) this conversation between Monsieur and the Duc de Riche- 
lieu. ‘‘The latter said to the Comte d’ Artois, in conclusion, 

‘¢¢Sire, it is the word of a prince given to a gentleman that I claim’ 


THE KING’S ANXIETY fTOr 


after a long conference they concluded that though it might 
be possible to resist the improvised coalition of the two 
oppositions and its victorious majority, it was none the less 
impossible to continue their administration in the teeth of 
the opposition of Monsieur. 

Nothing would have been easier than to destroy his popu- 
larity with the country by unmasking his intrigues and his 
proposals, and to reduce him to the position of a party 
leader. The Cabinet, however, was composed of men too 
loyal and conscientious to ruin the popularity of the heir to 
the crown, whose accession seemed imminent in view of the 
King’s enfeebled health. Consequently, the ministers de- 
cided to resign in a body, and the Duc de Richelieu was re- 
quested to inform the King of their intentions. The King 
was much disturbed by this explanation. 

““Good Heavens!” he said, putting his head in his hands. 
“What will become of me? What do they wish to do? 
What conditions will they impose upon me?” 

M. de Richelieu advised him to see Monsieur, and to 
arrange the matter with him. 

A few hours later he received a note from the King, re- 
questing his immediate attendance; he found him alone in 
his study, radiant with happiness. 


“To this direct attack Monsieur replied in words which he attempted 
to make as off-hand as possible: 

“Ah, my dear Duc, you took my words too literally, and then circum- 
stances were so difficult.’ 

““M. de Richelieu merely looked at him, turned on his heel and left the 
room, banging the door behind him with a violence which surprised the 
officers on duty. . . . A quarter of an hour after this scene, he was in 
my study, and I was horrified to see his pallor and agitation as he entered. 
I asked him what could have thus disturbed him. 

“*T am overwhelmed,’ he said, ‘by what I have just learned, and Iam 
choking with indignation and can hardly look you in the face, so ashamed 
am I of the man whose words I am going to repeat to you.’ 

“Then he told me what I have just written.” 


62 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


“Come in, my dear Richelieu; your advice was excellent. 
I have seen my brother, and am perfectly satisfied. He is 
most prudent; everything has been settled, and you can retire 
when you please.” 

Such were the expressions of the royal gratitude for all 
the services and devotion of the Duc de Richelieu. I have 
seen him smile when he told the story, but it was a smile of 
sadness, and expressed feelings deeply lacerated. In the eyes 
of all the royal family M. de Richelieu had committed one 
wrong which nothing could efface. During the exile, when 
he was busily occupied with the foundation of Odessa, his 
year of duty began as First Gentleman of the Chamber to 
Louis XVIII.; he begged his friend the Duc de Fleury, who 
was settled at Mitau with the King, to take his place, and 
did not go to perform his duty in the antechamber of the 
exiled monarch. In the opinion of the princes of the House 
of Bourbon, personal service was always the chief duty of 
their subordinates. ‘They never pardoned this mistake on 
the part of the Duc de Richelieu. He was also displeasing 
to them by reason of his reputation for uprightness and for 
independence of character. 

The King’s anxiety to secure the resignation of his minis- 
ters had become so great that he sent to demand it three 
times in the course of the evening. The difficulty of col- 
lecting all the ministers at an unusual time to decide upon 
their action in common had delayed the transmission of the 
resignation. It was afterwards known that he had promised 
Mme. du Cayla that the resignation should be handed to her 
before she went to bed, and in fact she received the docu- 
ment at midnight.’ 


1M. Pasquier writes: ‘‘. . . The Duc de Richelieu carried our resig- 
nation to the King on the morning of December 12. . . . The King was 
so impatient to see the end of this business, that twice during the 14th he 
sent to M. de Richelieu asking him to send the document in readiness for 


MINISTRY OF M. DE VILLELE 63 


Heré the reign of Louis XVIII. comes to an end; hence- 
forward he was simply an instrument in the hands of Mon- 
sieur’s agents, who, like himself, were dominated by the 
Congregation. When M. de Villéle attempted to throw off 
this influence, he fell like the rest. 

I have said that Sosthene de La Rochefoucauld had been 
intimate with Mme. du Cayla for a number of years. His 
wife was vexed by this circumstance, and his father-in-law 
and mother-in-law never attempted to hide their annoyance. 
However, when she became a favourite they changed their 
tactics. ‘They had gradually become friendly with her, and 
M. and Mme. Mathieu de Montmorency spent most of their 
time at her house. ‘This reconciliation secured the Ministry 
of Foreign Affairs for Mathieu. Sosthéne used to say that 
he had at first intended taking it himself, but that he had 
thought it nobier to leave it to his father-in-law. 

“T have made kings, my lord, yet would not be a king.” 

There was no President of the Council.’ M. de Villéle did 
not venture to seize the post for himself, and would not 
recognise any other President. M. de Corbiére’ followed his 
friend and patron, and took the portfolio of the Interior; 
M. de Peyronnet,’ who had been notorious for his violent 
his signature, having previously given him at five o’clock the list of this 
Ministry as it had been settled by himself and his brother. M. de 
Richelieu, who had not expected to be made responsible for this busi- 
ness, hastened to carry it through, and the King had the satisfaction of 
seeing his orders concluded before he went to bed.”—Méemoires, Vol. 
V., pp. 410 and 412. 

1 The Ministry of December 15, 1821. 

2 Jacques Joseph Guillaume Pierre, Comte de Corbiére (1767-1853), 
lawyer, deputy for Ille et Vilaine under the Restoration, peer of France 
and minister. 

* Charles Ignace, Comte de Peyronnet (1778-1854), a lawyer at Bor- 
deaux, welcomed the Duc d’Angouléme in 1814, and attended the Duch- 
esse in 1815. Attorney-General at Bourges in 1818, and at Rouen in 


1820, in which year he was also deputy for Cher. He was Minister of 
Justice from 1821 to 1827, peer and comte in 1828, Minister of the In- 


64 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


invectives during the last trial before the Chamber of Peers, 
was given the Seals. Such was his reputation in his native 
town of Bordeaux that bets were made against this nomina- 
tion, which was regarded as apocryphal. The Moniteur 
confuted this incredulity. 

Marshal Victor, the Duc de Bellune,’ was a choice after 
the heart of the extreme Ultra party. He was known to be 
an old imbecile, surrounded by a greedy family, but his 
political sentiments were so excellent that all other dis- 
advantages were forgotten. 

In order that this miserable Government might be definitely 
marked as the handiwork of Sosthéne, his father, the Duc 
de Doudeauville,” a nobleman in needy circumstances, was 
appointed Postmaster-General.’ His dignity did not allow 
him to leave his residence for the official house in the Rue 
Coq Héron, but he carried off the furniture and clocks, the 
ornaments and coverings, and even the billiard-table, to his 
own house. This appointment provoked the last aristocratic 
witticism of our age. When it had been announced that the 
terior under the Polignac Government in 1830. After the July Revo- 
lution he was arrested at Tours and condemned to perpetual confine- 
ment, but was pardoned in 1834. 

1 Claude Victor Perrin, Marshal Victor, Duc de Bellune (1764-1841). 
He was a volunteer in 1792, brigadier-general in 1793, general of division 
in 1800, and Danish Ambassador in 1805. Marshal at Friedland and 
Duc de Bellune in 1808. He became a peer of France at the Restoration, 
major of the royal guard in 1815, and Minister of War in 1821. 

* Ambroise Polycarp de La Rochefoucauld, Duc de Doudeauville 
(1765-1841). He was a cavalry officer, and went into exile, became 
peer of France at the Restoration, Postmaster-General in 1822, and 
Minister of the King’s Household in 1824. He refused to take the oath 
to the July Monarchy. His son, Sosthéne, Vicomte de La Rochefou- 
cauld (1785-1846), and Duc de Doudeauville on his father’s death, 
married the daughter of Mathieu de Montmorency. 

* This post was one requiring much tact, by reason of the unpleasant 
duty of opening private correspondence, a duty which induced the Duc 


de Liancourt to say, ‘I much prefer the age when my ancestors were 
unable to read.” (Mémoires du Chancelier Pasquier, Vol. V., p. 420.) 


CHARACTER OF DE VILLELE 65 


Duc de Doudeauville was Postmaster-General, some one 
asked, “Then who will be the Duc de Doudeauville ?” 

The Marquis de Lauriston alone broke away from his 
former colleagues, and remained the Minister of the King’s 
Household. His talents and his character made him worthier 
to form part of the new administration than to remain with 
the old. He had already given proof of his subservience 
to Mme. du Cayla. 

I have given full details of this crisis, because it is, in my 
opinion, the rock upon which the Restoration made ship- 
wreck. Even as vessels are driven by storms upon the 
Goodwin Sands, we have seen the Congregation gradually 
drag the Restoration beneath the water, until its guilt became 
general and obvious, while every one foresaw this result and 
was unable to offer any practical help. 

Granted that M. de Villéle had risen to power by under- 
ground routes, so that his methods procured for him the 
nickname of “The Mole” even among his most faithful 
servants, it must be admitted that he possessed an unusual 
degree of sagacity. He had entered the navy at the com- 
mencement of the Revolution, and had spent his youth 
in the Ile Bourbon, where he had married. On his return 
to France he had established himself on his father’s estate 
in the outskirts of Toulouse,! where he lived during the 
Empire under the influence of all the petty prejudices of 
provincial nobility. He was mayor of the town in 1814, and 
published a pamphlet upon the advisability of a return 
to absolutism without crushing the King’s initiative by means 
of the Charter. ‘The pamphlet remained as obscure as its 
author, and was only resuscitated when he became a political 
personage. But it probably became the foundation of that 
confidence in him which Monsieur immediately showed. 

M. de Villéle’s antecedents had not been such as to qualify 

1 The Chateau de Marville. 


GOST COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


him for the position of a statesman. A love of intrigue had 
absorbed all his energies until his entry to the Chamber, 
where he rapidly secured a wide influence. From 1816 he 
was the leader of the Ultra-Royalist Opposition. Thus he 
was at first perfectly ignorant of business, but he learned by 
practice with certainty and rapidity, and would have finally 
become an admirable administrator if he had been master of 
his own actions. Of financial affairs he knew little, and 
nothing at all of diplomacy. He had not the slightest 
knowledge of international relations, of the ruling sovereigns, 
or of the ministers who guided them, and his ignorance of 
contemporary history induced him to regard every inter- 
national treaty or agreement as a revelation. I have heard 
diplomatists say that it was necessary to give him a lesson 
like a schoolboy before it was possible to talk business with 
him, and on these questions he did not show his usual in- 
sight. ‘This, however, is no disadvantage in the eyes of a 
sovereign. Every king wishes to conduct his foreign policy 
to his own liking, for foreign policy is the gossip of kings. 
Hence, in their opinion, a Minister of Foreign Affairs may 
be as ignorant as he pleases, provided that they secure 
obedience. 

The Vicomte Mathieu de Montmorency, with somewhat 
greater diplomatic capacity, was so narrow-minded and was 
inspired by so puerile an ambition that he remained the 
tool of the Jesuits. In any case, during the Ministry of M. 
de Villéle all his colleagues were subservient to him with 
the exception of M. de Chateaubriand for a short time, and 
he was only obliged to struggle with the Congregation. 

M. de Villele was a past master in the art of managing a 
Chamber: he had succeeded by every electoral device, 
whether permissible or not, in securing a majority sub- 
servient to his will, and he nursed it with admirable care, 
He was always ready to listen to every idiot who wished to 


CHARACTER OF DE VILLELE 67 


prattle or to speak of his own trivial affairs. He would 
listen with an interested air, and show no sign of impatience, 
would undertake to profit by such valuable information, and 
would send away a man devoted to his interests; the talker 
went off persuaded that he could influence Villéle, and was 
ready to proclaim him the most admirable of ministers. I 
have no wish to represent this characteristic as a defect in 
M. de Villéle: the faculty of enduring boredom patiently 
without betraying impatience is a real talent in a statesman, 
especially under a representative Government. ‘The greatest 
disadvantage under which M. de Villéle laboured was the 
fact that he had been in too great a hurry to secure the 
conduct of business. His indisputable merits and his party 
influence would have brought him to the front a little later. 
But in order to fulfil his engagements to the intrigue which 
had brought him forward, he had been obliged to make 
promises which delivered him to the Congregation bound 
hand and foot. The clerical and the emigré tendencies, 
both countenanced by Monsieur, were now attempting to 
guide public business in total disregard of the national in- 
terests. M. de Villéle recognised these facts more clearly 
than any one, but he was caught in his own net, and could not 
venture even an attempt to extricate himself from the toils. 

Two of his colleagues, MM. de Montmorency and de 
Clermont Tonnerre,’ were the immediate agents of the 


1 Aimé Marie Gaspard, Duc de Clermont Tonnerre (1780-1865). He 
was a military officer, azde-de-camp to Joseph Bonaparte, field-marshal 
in 1814, peer of France in 1815, Naval Minister in 1821, and Minister of 
War from 1823 to 1827. 

The Duc de Clermont Tonnerre was never a member of the Congre- 
gation. He writes in his Mémoires: “ ... At the time when I was 
minister I did not know a Jesuit; I had never even seen one. And the 
first Jesuit to whom I ever spoke in my life was Father MacCarthy, 
whom I saw at Toulouse in 1830, when I was with my father at the time 
of the death of my uncle, the Cardinai. 

“Tt was said at the time that I was a member of what was known as 


68 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Congregation. MM. de Lavau'’ and Franchet’ obeyed him 
and made suggestions to him in turn, while M. de Rainne- 
ville®: as General Secretary of Finances, became his spy 
upon M. de Villéle. As a sensible man, M. de Rainneville 
speedily perceived the dangers into which the monarchy was 
plunging, but was unable to check its progress in spite of his 
anxiety. 

The reader may say, “You are continually talking of the 
Congregation; explain its nature.” I might reply that it 
was the evil genius of the Restoration, but this would hardly 
be sufficient. ‘Those of us who have seen its activity cannot 
doubt its existence, and yet I cannot now say who were 


the Congregation. It was also said that the Congregation had complete 
control of the ministers; even in my own family there were people who 
did not doubt my membership, and one day my cousin, the Duchesse de 
Clermont Tonnerre, speaking of some business which I have forgotten, 
said, ‘You ought to know that, as a member of the Congregation.’ ‘The 
Congreagtion!’ I replied, bursting into laughter. ‘I do not know what 
it is.’ The truth is that my ignorance was not enlightened for some 
years.” (Quoted by M. Geoffroy de Grandmaison, La Congrégation, 
1801 to 1830, p. 290.) 

The Cardinal of Clermont Tonnerre, Archbishop of Toulouse, and the 
Marquis Amédée de Clermont Tonnerre, colonel of brigade, were mem- 
bers of the Congregation. (Lbid.) 

* Guy de Lavau, lawyer in 1810, county court judge in 1815, councillor 
to the Paris court in 1816, prefect of police in 1821, councillor of state. 
He lived in retirement after 1830. (Cp. La Congrégation, p. 152.) He 
was president or prefect of the Congregation in 1817. 

? Franchet d’Espérey (1778-1853). He shared in the defence of Ly- 
ons against the armies of the Convention, was president of the Congre- 
gation of P. Roger, and was confined in Sainte Pélagie by the Emperor’s 
orders at the time of the struggle against the Pope (1811-1814). He was 
ambassadorial secretary at the Congress of Vienna, and chief official in 
the Post Office staff. He joined the Congregation of P. Ronsin in 1816, 
was Director-General of Police in 1821, and followed Charles X. into 
exile. (La Congrégation, p. 346.) 

°'M. de Rainneville does not appear upon the list of the Congregation, 
but he was very intimate with its leading members, and was a constant 
visitor at the salon of Mlle. de Lavau, aunt of Guy and Charles de Lavau. 
(Cp. La Congrégation, p. 153.) 


THE CONGREGATION 69 


the real leaders of this association which guided the destinies 
of the country. Rumour has pointed to a certain Father 
Ronsin,’ a Jesuit. I have no evidence that the fact was 
SO. 

There is no doubt that the Society of Jesus was recruited 
at court by lay Jesuits, the leaders of which were at first 
M. Jules de Polignac, Mathieu de Montmorency, the Mar- 
quis de Tonnerre, the Duc de Riviére, and the Baron de 
Damas.’ 

Any one who was ambitious or felt that he had any talent 
for intrigue was more or less ready to join the party, which 
seemed to be at the height of its’ power, and was not likely 
to fall throughout the reign of Monsieur, the commencement 
of which seemed imminent.* 


1 Pierre Ronsin (1771-1846), was a tutor of Vicomte Sosthéne de La 
Rochefoucauld. He was a member of the Society of the Fathers of the 
Faith, and was at the college of Belley in 1803. The society was broken 
up in 1808. He was vicaire at the cathedral of Soissons, his native town, 
from 1808 to 1814. P. de Cloriviére admitted him on July 23, 1814, to 
the reorganised Society of Jesus, and gave him the post of Director of the 
Congregation, which he held until Frebuary, 1828. He was obliged to 
leave Paris in 1830, and after a visit to Normandy was sent to Toulouse, 
where he died, after a life of fruitful activity, on November 4, 1846. 

“He had a lofty mind, wide knowledge, a warm heart and an attrac- 
tive bearing. An ill-deserved notoriety was cruelly attached to his name 
during his life, but a better glory has been reserved for him: he was one 
of the greatest spiritual directors of his time, and formed Christians who 
brought the indisputable evidence of their talents and their virtue tosup- 
port his memory.” (La Congrégation, p. 378.) 

2 The name of Damas does not appear upon the list of members of the 
Congregation of Paris as given by M. Geoffroy de Grandmaison. 

The names of members of provincial congregations affiliated to Paris, 
which number 69, are not given by M. Geoffroy de Grandmaison. 

® Mme. de Boigne here re-echoes certain opinions which were unfor- 
tunately very common in the so-called Liberal salons of this period. The 
violence of the campaign directed against the company of Jesuits and the 
hypocrisy of its methods is well known. In any case, when or wherever 
Masonic sects have felt themselves sufficiently powerful to attack the 
social order, they have generally opened their campaign by attempts to 


70 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Though I cannot name the leaders of this body, I can at 
least indicate its purpose; I have heard them through too 
many sources, direct. and indirect, not to be familiar with 
them. In any case, their articles were not entirely rigid, and 
were sufficiently elastic to be formulated with a violence pro- 
portionate to the characters whose capture was desired. ‘The 
fundamental points at issue, however, were these. Three 
orders were to be re-established in the State. The clergy 
were to be put in possession of territorial property, holding 
tenure only from the Pope—that is to say, from no one, and 
were to keep the first rank. The nobility was to be recog- 
nised as an order with as many of its old privileges as could 
be revived. ‘The Chamber of Peers was to be an elective body 
appointed solely by the nobility, which was thus to be repre- 
sented as forming part of the State. The Chamber of 
Deputies was to be retained: it was recognised to be an 
admirable instrument for raising the wind, to use an expres- 
sion in use, and was to be subject to the law of election, 
which would give the upper classes considerable influence. 
The crown also received their attention: some means was to 
be established by which, in a last resort, the Assemblies 
could be forced to register the wishes of the King, and 


destroy or to weaken the Society of the Jesuit Fathers. The fact is in- 
teresting, and may easily be proved historically; this would in itself be a 
sufficient reason for inviting every loyal character to come forward in 
defence of these excellent religious bodies, whose spiritual services in 
every class of society have been so devoted. Unfortunately, the political 
passions and the personal ambitions which then disturbed society were 
blind, and the ill-omened work of destruction found its warmest parti- 
sans amongst those who had most to lose from the desired overthrow. 
Reading the memoirs of this party, we are surprised by the ridiculous 
prejudices which dominated the clearest minds and even the best bal- 
anced characters. In any case, readers who wish to gain information 
upon the famous Congregation with greater exactitude and impartiality 
than Mme. de Boigne and her friends can provide, will be able to consult 
with advantage the faithful and impartial study of this pious and deserv- 
ing association provided by M. Geoffroy de Grandmaison. 


THE CONGREGATION ip 


which should answer to the Jit de justice’ under the ancien 
regime. 

Those who proposed this outburst were regarded as the 
faithful servants of ‘“‘the throne and of the altar,” an empty 
phrase with which our ears have been bombarded for the 
ten years during which party passions and interests worked 
to undermine the foundations of the State, instead of con- 
solidating them as they claimed to do. The laws concern- 
ing sacrilege, the re-establishment of the convents, the 
right of primogeniture, and the nature of the indemnity 
given to the emigrés, were forced upon M. de Villéle by 
the Congregation. He was well aware of their possible 
consequences, and attempted to delay them as long as he 
could. 

During the first year he used the conspiracies as a pretext. 
These plots were traced and punished with extreme severity. 
The political scaffold was raised in several of the provinces 
as well as at Paris.” The devices employed against the mal- 
contents in the eastern provinces excited public indignation. 
The country was traversed by a band shouting ‘‘ Vive l’Em- 
pereur!” in order to encourage the Bonapartists to declare 
themselves, and to obtain proof of guilt against them. It 
must be admitted that this measure was more worthy of the 
Inquisition than of the ministers of a constitutional kingdom. 
At the same time it was considered a clever device at court 
and in the Chamber of Deputies. The country and the 

1 Sessions of the Parlement at which the King was present, when he 
wished to secure the acceptance of an edict.—TRANSLATOR. 

?In this year 1822, twelve executions for political crimes took place, 
which included the execution of four sergeants of La Rochelle at Paris 
and of General Berton at Poitiersin September. The greatest criminals, 
such as Benjamin Constant, Laffitte, Lafayette, Manuel, Voyer d’Ar- 
genson, and, it is said, General Foy, had been spared, but the excessive 
severity displayed checked these dangerous plots which threatened to 


compromise the existence of France when she was barely recovering 
from the shock caused by the fall of the Empire. 


72 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Chamber of Peers were furious.’ M. de Villéle flattered him- 
self that by throwing this bone to the Congregation its desires 
would be temporarily satisfied, but it would never leave him 
a moment’s peace, and even then was making preparations 
for the war in Spain. 


1 An allusion to the events of Colmar, June 2 and 3, 1822, in conse- 
quence of which Lieut-.Colonel Caron was condemned to death at Stras- 
burg and executed on October 1, 1822. 

‘Promotion and extraordinary gratuities followed as a recompense to 
the military who were involved in this business, to the great scandal of all 
those who thought anything of the honour of the army.”—Mémoires du 
Chancelier Pasquier, Vol. V., p. 430. 


GHAPTER. VI 


Death of the Duc de Richelieu—Persevering affection of the Queen of 
Sweden—Her grief—Death of Lord Londonderry—M. de Chateau- 
briand as Ambassador at London—He finds the post wearisome— 
The Vicomte de Montmorency—Congress of Verona—The Duc 
Mathieu de Montmorency—His life and death. 


FRANCE now suffered a real loss. The death of M. de 
Richelieu deprived her of a clever, upright, and respected 
man, around whom men of talent and honesty would have 
naturally gathered, and who would probably have been 
recalled to power by the force of circumstances before 
matters became desperate. Possibly M. de Richelieu might 
have been able to save the Restoration from itself. _Heaven’s 
ways are not our ways! Providence ordained the reign of 
Charles X., and may it grant that this decree be for the 
happiness of our nephews, seeing that it was not pleasing 
to contemporaries. 

During the last months of his Ministry, and especially 
after his retirement, M. de Richelieu often came to see me. 
He had brought M. Pasquier, and it was at that time that 
my most intimate connection began with the latter. Both 
regretted their loss of power, which they felt themselves 
well fitted to wield, being thoroughly convinced that they 
had performed essential services to the King and to the 
country. Both spoke freely upon the subject, and criticised, 
though in reasonable terms, the dangerous paths upon which 
those in power had entered. M. Pasquier was animated only 
by the feelings of a good patriot who was uneasy for his 
country and by reasonable ambition. ‘Though he was vexed 

73 


74 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


to find his career cut short, there was no bitterness in his 
mind. Very different were the feelings of the Duc de 
Richelieu, who had been cut to the heart by the conduct of 
the Princes. Their ingratitude had wounded him in pro- 
portion to the depths of devotion which he had shown them, 
and though he was now disillusioned, old memories made him 
more sensitive to their actions. As the Duc de Richelieu was 
Master of the Hounds and First Gentleman of the Chamber, 
he continued to lunch at the Chateau from time to time, 
but always met with a very cold reception. 

The Comtesse d’Angouléme had just acquired the estate 
of Villeneuve ’Etang. She was much delighted with it, 
and had cream brought from it to her table. The cream 
was placed in a little jug which stood by the side of the princess 
and as a mark of favour she would share it with individuals. 
One day she made a point of offering cream across the table 
to guests to the right and left of the Duc de Richelieu in so 
marked a manner that her neglect of him became a positive 
insult. I have heard the Duc de Richelieu himself relate 
this triviality with that tinge of irony which deep vexation, 
accompanied by disdain, may give. He was angry with 
himself for caring about such trifles, but his old courtier’s 
blood overcame his common sense. In reality an intentional 
insult was hidden beneath this discourtesy, at which he had 
every reason to be angry. 

It was in this frame of mind that he found reason to 
suspect a man to whom he had shown kindness, of whom he 
was very fond, and who possessed his whole confidence, of a 
proceeding which in legal language is known as theft. ‘The 
discovery staggered him, and he did not wish to make further 
inquiries. Before deciding upon his future action he felt 
that he needed some days’ rest, and went away to his wife’s 
house at Courteilles. He had recently made a considerable 
stay there and had felt the better for it. 


DUC DE RICHELIEU’S DEATH 75 


The infatuation of the Queen of Sweden had not dimin- 
ished: she pursued him as usual, and took up her abode 
in the little inn which served the castle, from which point 
she could watch all his movements. The intrusion was 
the more intolerable to M. de Richelieu in his state of exasper- 
- ation and decided him to return. The previous evening he 
had crossed a somewhat deep ford upon horseback, and had 
neglected to change his wet clothes. To this fact was attrib- 
uted the touch of fever and the invalid appearance which 
he showed as he entered his carriage. He refused to see 
Mme. de Richelieu’s doctor, but promised to send for his 
own if he were not better the next day. Hardly had he 
started when his fever increased. ‘The Polish aide-de-camp 
who accompanied him became uneasy. At Dreux, the Queen 
of Sweden, who was in pursuit, caught him up, and while the 
horses were being changed had her carriage drawn forward 
so that she could enjoy the happiness of seeing his face 
for a moment. She was so startled by the change in his 
appearance that she called the aide-de-camp and said to 
him: 

“Sir, you must take the responsibility of having the Duc 
de Richelieu bled upon the spot.” She repeated this in- 
junction at Pontchartrain and at Versailles, and as a proof 
of the Duc’s dangerous weakness she pointed out that he 
had not troubled to pull down the blind of his carriage at 
the side where she was standing. Unfortunately, the azde- 
de-camp would not make up his mind. ‘The fever diminished 
between Versailles and Paris, and M. de Richelieu was not 
very ill upon his arrival. His sister, Mme. de Montcalm, 
was at home. He went into her room, asked for supper, 
but ate very little. He was induced to send for Dr. Bourdois; 
Bourdois was ill, and sent Lerminier, a clever practitioner, 
but entirely ignorant of the Duc’s temperament. Bourdois 
warned him that he had to deal with a man who was ex- 


"6 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


tremely nervous, and whose health was often affected by his 
. mental condition. 

“T have sometimes thought that he was about to have a 
serious illness,” he said, “and two hours afterwards have 
found him in a normal condition.” 

Provided with this fatal information, Lerminier came to 
M. de Richelieu. He found him in bed half asleep, and 
greatly irritated by the appearance of a new-comer. The 
doctor proposed various remedies, which were all rejected. 
At length he confined himself to ordering some cups of an 
infusion of orange leaves to quench his thirst. The next day 
he would see what was best to be done. Lerminier returned to 
Bourdois to tell him of his visit and of the exasperation of 
the Duc, the only disquieting symptom. Bourdois said that 
he had always found him like that when he had a little fever. 

At six o’clock the Abbé Nicole before going to his lecture 
went in to see M. de Richelieu. His servant said that he 
was resting after a very poor night. The Abbé went up to 
look at him, and was so struck by the change in his appear- 
ance that he resolved to send for the doctors. Several ar- 
rived, and all remedies were tried, but in vain. M. de 
Richelieu did not awake from his sleep of death, and before 
mid-day he had ceased to live. 

This sudden death, as no one knew that he was even ill, 
was a great shock. His friends, for he had real friends, 
lamented him bitterly, and every common-sense person 
regretted him at the time and still more afterwards. It was 
upon this occasion that M. de Talleyrand first uttered the 
observation which he has since made so hackneyed, “‘ He was 
somebody.”? ‘The Duc d’Angouléme was the only member 
of the royal family who manifested any regret. These 
were his words to my brother: ‘I regret him deeply; he did 
not like us, but he loved France. His life was a resource, 
and his death will be a loss.” 


QUEEN OF SWEDEN "4 


The King, Monsieur, and Madame were somewhat relieved 
to be no longer confronted with a man in whose presence 
they were ill at ease. The courtiers followed their masters’ 
example, and did not pretend a grief which they did not 
feel. They too had their excuse, for M. de Richelieu felt 
neither esteem nor affection for them. 

The despair of the Queen of Sweden was as extravagant 
as her violent infatuation. She hired a pew at the Church 
of the Assumption, in which the body of the Duc de Richelieu 
had been placed until it should be carried to the Sarbonne; 
there she spent days and nights in unrestrained grief, and 
thus made amends for her foolishness of the preceding years. 

I have already told how she pursued M. de Richelieu 
upon the high-roads. She continued her persecution in 
Paris. She had rooms near those which he used, and he 
could not appear at one window without seeing the Queen 
at another. As soon as he went out she was after him. 
Her carriage followed his. She stopped when he stopped, 
got out when he got out, waited for him whenever he paid 
a call, and continued the pursuit with a perseverance which 
had become an absolute nightmare for the poor Duc. If 
he went into a shop she followed him, waited until he had 
gone out, and then bought the object which he had chosen, 
and sent him another copy of it. This innocent trickery 
was constantly performed by the Queen in the flower-shops, 
for the Duc sometimes sent flowers to a lady to whom he 
was attached; the Queen would innocently say that she was 
pretending to believe that the flowers had been chosen for 
herself, though she knew their destination very well. 

M. de Richelieu required exercise, and often went to the 
garden of the Tuileries; the Queen pursued him there also, 
but she observed that her presence drove him away, and she 
did not wish to deprive him of his walk. One day she 
arrived at Mme. Récamier’s house radiant with joy, and 


78 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


announced that she had arranged with her tailors to have a 
dress of different cut and colour for every day. M. de 
Richelieu would not then recognise her at a distance, and 
would not turn away his head until she had had the happi- 
ness of looking him for a moment in the face. 

Upon one occasion when he was talking with animation, 
she had secured a bow by passing close at hand and making 
him a bow which he returned before he recognised her. She 
came in delight to relate this triumph to Mme. Récamier, 
who gave me these details. Mme. Récamier made vain 
attempts to rouse a little natural dignity in the heart of the 
Queen of Sweden by reproaching her for continuing atten- 
tions thus constantly disregarded, seeing that the Duc’s refusal 
was becoming as violent as the energy of his pursuer, and indeed 
bordered upon the brutal. But she liked him in that mood, 
“even when he was a little fierce.’ All the eloquence of 
Mme. Récamier was hopeless against this strange infatuation. 

As for M. de Richelieu, he was irritated to the point of 
fury. Conscientious as he was about using State machinery 
in his own service, I am convinced that he could not resist 
the temptation of hinting at Stockholm that the Queen 
would be much more suitably settled in that town than at 
Paris. ‘The fact is undoubted that her husband continually 
urged her to return, but she answered his entreaties by 
sending doctors’ certificates, and would not consent to join 
her husband on the throne until after the death of the Duc. 
I do not know any other case of love so persevering on the 
woman’s side and so openly displayed without the smallest 
encouragement and after disdainful rejection. 

A short time after the death of the Duc de Richelieu, 
Lord Castlereagh,’ who had become Marquis of Londonderry, 
put an end to his life. For some days his conduct had been 


‘Mme. de Boigne has already referred to him. (See second volume 
of these Memoirs, chapter XV.) 


LORD LONDONDERRY "9 


eccentric. One morning he left the bedroom at his usual 
time, went into his dressing-room and came back half dressed 
into his wife’s room, to fetch some pills which he took every 
day; after swallowing these he returned to his dressing-room 
and cut his jugular vein with a very small pocket knife so 
artistically that a most insignificant wound killed him almost 
upon the spot. Lady Londonderry heard him fall, and 
rushed to him at once, but he was already past help. 

Attempts have been made to account for his suicide by 
political reasons, but there is no ground for such statements. 
Lord Londonderry was a cold, calm character, most unlikely 
to be amenable to such consideration. His death can only 
be attributed to a fit of madness which was hereditary in his 
family. Any one who knew the details of these events would 
regard the death of M. de Richelieu as much rather deter- 
mined by mental affliction and consideration of politics than 
that of Lord Londonderry. 

M. de Chateaubriand had been delighted with his appoint- 
ment as Ambassador in England in the place of Duc Decazes. 
His vivid imagination enjoyed the supposed contrast of 
diplomatic splendour in a country where he had led the weary 
existence of an obscure émigré. His happiness was not so 
keen as he had supposed, the more so as his personal glory 
was by no means brilliant outside of France. Popular as 
were his talents among ourselves, he enjoyed little reputation 
abroad. Possibly the Revolution had drowned his loudest 
efforts; possibly, again, the daring of the school which he 
founded had no attraction for peoples accustomed to find 
similar methods in their own literature, and therefore unable 


1 Baron Séguier, French Consul-General at London, writes to Mme. 
de Boigne under date May 13, 1822: “ . . . M. de Chateaubriand gave 
his first diplomatic dinner yesterday; it was a brilliant function, a distin- 
guished company, and excellent good cheer! His cook deserves a sauce- 
pan of honour.” (Unpublished letter.) 


80 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


to appreciate the charm which we could recognise until the 
extravagances of his disciples had discredited their master. 
It must also be observed that the special merit of M. de 
Chateaubriand’s writings depended upon a certain manage- 
ment of words in highly artistic combination, giving a flash 
and colouring to his style which foreigners were less likely 
to appreciate than his own countrymen. Whatever the 
reason may be, M. de Chateaubriand was not appreciated 
outside of France, and for this reason it was always impos- 
sible for him to make a prolonged stay in other countries. 
He was as speedily and entirely disgusted with London as 
he had been with Berlin, and earnestly begged to be sent to 
the Congress of Verona. ‘The Vicomte de Montmorency, who 
had largely befriended him elsewhere, would not listen upon 
this occasion, but immediately after the departure of this 
minister for Verona,’ M. de Villéle, who had meanwhile taken 
over the portfolio of Foreign Affairs, secured his own appoint- 
ment as President of the Council and began a close correspond- 
ence with the Vicomte de Chateaubriand. 

As for Mathieu, he started for Vienna, where he was 
anxiously expected. Hardly had he left his carriage than 
he went out again on foot. Prince Metternich arrived at 
the Embassy soon afterwards, and was informed that he 
must have passed M. de Montmorency on the way to his 
own house. He went home again without finding Mathieu. 
Search was made for him throughout the town for six hours 
and people were growing anxious when he quietly returned. 
He had been entrusted with letters and little presents for 
some Parisian nuns who had a community at Vienna; 


‘The Congress of Verona was opened in that town on October 20, but 
it had been preceded by conferences at Vienna, where the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, Mathieu de Montmorency, had arrived at the outset of 
September. The nomination of M. de Villéle as President of the Coun- 
cil is dated September 4, 1822. 


CONGRESS OF VERONA 81 


his first care had been to deliver these messages and his 
visit to this house had lasted six hours. It is possible that 
he met some leader of the clerical party there but I cannot 
affirm the fact, and confine myself to details which I can 
positively state. This beginning did not increase his repu- 
tation in the diplomatic world, which was about to start for 
Verona, and nothing was more miserable than our political 
appearance at this Congress. 

We had a considerable number of envoys there: MM. 
de Blacas,’ de Caraman,’ and de La Ferronnays,* had joined 
their minister, while accompanying the sovereigns to whom 
they were accredited, and brought a multitude of secretaries 
and attachés with them. There were more Frenchmen at 
Verona than members of all the other nationalities put 
together; yet France did not play a leading part, and was 
the less likely to do so in view of the want of union and 
harmony among her representatives. 

Monsieur and the Minister of Foreign Affairs were anxious 
for the war in Spain. The King and the President of the 
Council wished to avoid war, and the various ambassadors 
were divided between these two opinions. M. de Villéle was 
persuaded by the protestations of M. de Chateaubriand that 
he could strongly reinforce his views, and gave him per- 
mission to go to Verona. He arrived fully determined to 
speak against the Peninsular war, and his despatches con- 
firmed M. de Villéle in the idea that he had secured a power- 
ful accessory. The Vicomte de Montmorency returned 


1M. de Blacas was no longer an ambassador. He had resigned in 
July in a fit of ill-temper because his application for leave to perform his 
duty as First Gentleman of the Chamber was refused. He was, how- 
ever, present at the Congress, as also was his successor at Naples, M. de 
Serre. (Cp. Mémoires du Chancelier Pasquierer, Vol. V., p. 444.) 

? Victor Louis Charles de Riquet, Comte and afterwards Duc de Cara- 
man (1762-1839), at that time Ambassador at Vienna. 

3M. de La Ferronnays was then Ambassador at St. Petersburg. 


82 -COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


to Paris, where he found the title of Duc waiting for him. 
It is difficult to conceive the childish delight that this favour 
caused him and his wife, but it was not of long duration. 
The Duc Mathieu declared that he was bound to send 
an army into Spain. M. de Villéle declined to fall in 
with his views, and M. de Montmorency very regretfully 
resigned.’ 

M. de Chateaubriand, who had arrived post haste, took 
his friend’s place, and as soon as he had secured a seat at 
the council, declared himself a more energetic partisan of 
the Spanish war than his predecessor had been. The 
flatteries showered upon him by the Emperor Alexander, 
when he had been left alone at Verona after the departure 
of his colleagues, must have produced a change in his ideas, 
or possibly he had hidden his real opinions up to that time. 
Whether he was false or fickle, the facts are as I have related 
them. Mathieu had no objection to seeing M. de Chateau- 
briand in his place, so long as he believed him to be of a 
different opinion. But he was furious when he saw that his 
successor followed his own policy as soon as he had secured 
his position, and expressed his views with extreme bitter- 
ness. J was present at a violent explosion in which he did 
not spare M. de Chateaubriand. All the cleverness and 
kindness of Mme. Récamier, who was almost equally intimate 
with both men, were required to avoid the scandal of an 
open rupture before the public, and a rupture M. de Chateau- 
briand had every reason to fear. 

Mathieu’s course of life was by no means ordinary. His 
father, the Vicomte de Laval,’ the youngest son of the 


1 The resignation of Mathieu de Montmorency is dated December 25, 
and the nomination of M. de Chateaubriand, December 28. 

? Mathieu Paul Louis, Vicomte de Laval, youngest son of the Marshal 
the Duc de Laval, and father of Mathieu, Duc de Montmorency, who 
married on December 25, 1765, Catherine Jeanne Tavernier de Boul- 


MATHIEU DE MONTMORENCY 83 


Marshal, had married Mlle. Boullongne, the daughter of a 
financier and heiress to a vast fortune, which, however, she 
never received. She was extremely pretty, lively and 
attractive, and speedily secured the affection of the Duchesse 
de Luynes, her husband’s sister. The Vicomtesse de Laval 
was extremely anxious for a position at court. Mme. de 
Luynes espoused the cause of her sister-in-law, and the 
matter had been almost arranged when the royal family 
declared against the claims of Mlle. Boullongne, and her 
request was coldly refused. ‘The Montmorency family con- 
sidered themselves insulted by this affront to a lady who 
was no longer Mlle. Boullongne but Mme. de Laval. Mme. 
de Luynes declared her dissatisfaction. I believe that she 
also ceased to act as lady of the palace until the moment 
when the misfortunes of the Revolution brought her back 
to the feet of the Queen. 

The Duc and Duchesse de Luynes had an only daughter, 
who was destined to be the greatest heiress in France. The 
pride of the Duchesse in her own name made her anxious to 
marry her daughter to one of her nephews, and her friend- 
ship for the Vicomtesse induced her to give the preference to 
that lady’s only son, and to disregard the four sons of her 
elder brother, the Duc de Laval. He, however, was devoted 
to the Vicomtesse, and supported the proposal. The union 
of Mathieu with the young Hortense de Luynes was thus 
arranged to the satisfaction of the two mothers and with 
the consent of the Duc de Luynes. An unexpected obstacle 
then arose. 

Guy de Laval, the eldest son-of the Duc, a red-haired, 
ugly, asthmatical, eccentric old man, at the age of twenty had 


longne. They had been divorced. The sister of the Vicomte de Laval, 
daughter of the Marshal, had married the Duc de Luynes; she was the 
mother-in-law of the Duchesse de Chevreuse, of whom Mme. de Boigne 
speaks in the first volume of these Memoirs, pp. 235-237 and p. 244. 


84 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


married Mlle. d’Argenson, whose charms formed a striking 
contrast with her husband, whom she had married for his 
title and his wealth. Young Mathieu was speedily attracted 
by her, and became infatuated with his charming cousin. 
He had been brought up in hostility to the court by reason 
of his parents’ irritation, and his education had been left to 
the care of the Abbé Sieyés: thus prepared, he became 
intimate with the d’Argenson family, and in their society his 
revolutionary tendencies were increased, as also was _ his 
philosophical agnosticism, the foundation of which his tutor 
had laid. However, his straightforward and passionate heart 
made him recoil from the idea of marrying Hortense de 
Luynes as long as he adored the Marquise de Laval. She 
was a clever woman, somewhat older than he, and perhaps 
less deeply in love: she clearly understood that the rupture 
of this marriage would be laid to her charge as a crime by 
the whole family, and secured the consent of Mathieu by her 
entreaties. He therefore led Mlle. de Luynes to the altar 
while she was still a child, and after the ceremony she went 
back to her convent. Mathieu almost forgot her existence 
in the society of the Marquise. However, lapse of time 
brought the moment when it became advisable to reunite 
the young couple. Once more it was necessary to have 
recourse to the influence of the Marquise. 

Hardly had the matter been settled when the Duchesse 
de Luynes was confined of a son, after fifteen years of child- 
lessness, while another event took place which affected 
Mathieu still more deeply: his cousin, Guy de Laval, died 
without issue, leaving a widow whom he desired more than 
all things. He was too honourable a man not to behave 
properly to his young wife, but his coldness crushed her, and 
to deaden his feelings he plunged headlong into all the 
revolutionary exaggerations of the time. His parents made 
no effort to stop him, and his mistress urged him forward. 


MATHIEU DE MONTMORENCY 85 


She was intimate with Mmes. de Staél, de Broglie, and de | 
Beaumont; she shared their opinions and passed them on to 
Mathieu. 

He showed considerable talent as a public speaker, though 
he concluded by denying, with all the impetuosity of youth, 
his origin and his God. He brought down upon himself 
the anger of the court and of the anti-revolutionary party, 
and also the blame of all sensible people. 

At the time of the first Federation, excitement, or rather 
fashion, induced a certain number of fashionable women to 
go and trundle wheelbarrows in the Champs de Mars, that 
they might give some actual help in the preparations for the 
so-called national festival of the Federation. ‘The Marquise 
de Laval was among the foremost, and used to arrive in 
a beautiful gilded coach, followed by three lackeys wearing 
the Montmorency livery and the constable’s sleeve, in order 
to declare her love for equality and to show her anxiety to 
belong to the ancient class of productive workers. A shower 
of rain soaked her thin clothes and her velvet shoes, and 
cruelly cut short her patriotic intentions: she caught pneu- 
monia, lingered for a few weeks, and expired in the arms of 
Mathieu. Terrified perhaps at the course of the revolutionary 
movement, and brought back to sounder views by her grief 
and approaching death, she eloquently expounded her ideas 
to her cousin upon her death-bed. 

This loss, which threw him into complete despair, checked 
for a moment the political career of Mathieu. It was then, 
however, that he began that intimacy with Mme. de Staél 
which no event could break or even cool. The public 
thought that the consoler had succeeded in making him 
forget the Marquise. I am persuaded that the contrary 
was the fact. This pure friendship was born in tears, and 
preserved the purity of its origin. 

While Mathieu was entirely absorbed in his grief, the 


86 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Revolution proceeded from crime to crime, and no honest man 
could lend it countenance. I cannot say if it was immediately 
after the death of Mme. de Laval that my cousin became 
inspired with religious feeling. I remember, however, that 
I found him a few years later leading an ascetic life in Switzer- 
land and expiating the errors of his early youth with remorse. 
He had left his wife, the Duchesse de Luynes, who was with 
child, in France with his mother. She bore him a daughter, 
who was afterwards married to Sosthene de La Rochefoucauld. 
When time had somewhat healed the wounds of Mathieu, the 
entreaties of Mme. de Staél brought him to Coppet, where 
her kindness completed the cure. | 
When France had been once more pacified, he was induced 
to return by the desire of seeing his country and of fulfilling 
those duties which the violence of his passion had made 
him unduly neglect. If Mme. Mathieu had suffered from 
his coldness before the exile, she repaid him for it by her 
haughtiness and ill-temper upon his return. During her 
long imprisonment under the Terror, Hortense had grown 
passionately attached to a chambermaid whom she had 
taken with her to the prison or had found there. With her 
she lived, exclusively devoted to the little cares of religion, 
before which alone her iron character would bend. Her 
daughter occupied but a small part of her life, her parents 
even less, and her husband no part at all. Conscious that 
he had wronged her, and anxious to find in lawful affection 
an object for the warmth of his feelings, M. de Montmorency 
bore with admirable patience the cold reception which 
greeted him, and attempted to mollify his wife’s harshness. 
Soon his daughter was sent to a convent to remove her from 
his affection, and Mme. Mathieu declared that while she 
was in prison she had taken a vow of chastity in order to 
save her own life and that of her parents. Mathieu yielded: 
his only resource was to follow her example and to lead a 


MATHIEU DE MONTMORENCY 87 


wholly ascetic life. He devoted himself to good works, to 
mortification of the flesh, and became a religious fanatic, as 
he was forbidden all family affection. For twenty years he 
pursued this mode of life, and was treated so disdainfully by 
his wife that, when she was dining away from home, she did 
not take the trouble to inform him of the fact, and he would 
come in to find that no meal was laid and that the servants 
had been forbidden to prepare any. He had no money of 
his own, and Mme. Mathieu did not give him a halfpenny, 
even when she inherited vast wealth on the death of the Duc 
de Luynes. I have seen him travelling outside a coach 
because he had no money to pay for an inside place. To 
her outward discourtesy was added real coldness and severity, 
and only the inexhaustible patience of Mathieu could have 
borne such conduct. 

He had an attractive and noble face, was an amiable and 
witty character, made to please. His affections were divided 
between religion and friendship, and were carried to an exag- 
gerated point. ‘To these motives ambition was added after 
the Restoration; it was that fanatical ambition which can 
lend itself with a clear conscience to the lowest intrigues with 
the certainty that its aim for power is intended only to 
promote the glory of God. Mathieu, who had been thrown 
into the hands of the priests by his desire to expiate the 
errors of his youth, had for a long time been a disciple of 
the Little Church, and easily became a member of the Con- 
gregation, which urged him to lend his support. 

The Duchesse d’Angouléme showed him marked favour, 
and when M. de Damas, her knight of honour, died, in 1814, 
Mathieu took his place. He had great influence with the 
princess, and also with Monsieur. ‘These marks of Court 
favour produced some kind of reconciliation between Mme. 
Mathieu and her husband: she no longer declined to provide 
him with dinner, and sometimes lent him her horses. 


88 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Duc Adrien de Laval, who alone of the four brothers in 
the elder line had any children, lost his only son, aged nine- 
teen, and the branch of Montmorency Laval was left without 
an heir. The age of the Duchesse de Laval left no hope of 
male issue, and the family council therefore had recourse to 
the Mathieu household. I have seen the correspondence 
' between the husband and wife upon this subject, and I am 
forced to admit that the letters of Mathieu were so tender 
in their affection, so gracefully expressed, with such purity of 
style, that I read them with real interest, though I felt cer- 
tain that they would inspire me with disgust and scorn. 
Mme. Mathieu was persuaded. The couple sent a courier 
to Rome to secure the removal of the vows which separated 
them, and his return was awaited with much exaggerated 
impatience. From that moment Mme. Mathieu was seized 
with a violent infatuation for her husband. She was unable 
to live apart from him, and the change was one that is 
usually confined to fiction. ‘The face of the heroine at the 
age of forty-five, ugly, awkward, and excessively vulgar, com- 
pleted the ridiculous element in this absurd honeymoon, 
which Mathieu endured with his usual resignation. 

It has been said that the attentions of Mme. Mathieu 
shortened her husband’s life. In any case, she was perfectly 
happy for a few months in his love, in the importance of his 
position, his ministerial post, and her title of Duchesse. Her 
vexation at leaving the residence of the Foreign Minister, 
with its beautiful drawing-rooms, was soon compensated by 
her husband’s nomination as guardian to the Duc de Bor- 
deaux, with the prospect of apartments in the Tuileries. 
Unfortunately, Mathieu’s health grew steadily worse, and he 
suffered from attacks of pain which his patient resignation 
concealed. He was better, and it was hoped he was cured, 
when on Good Friday in 1826, as he had not been well 
enough to attend divine service, he went out to accompany 


MATHIEU DE MONTMORENCY 89 


his wife and daughter to the Adoration of the Cross at the 
church of St. Thomas d’Aquin. He was kneeling against 
the chair, and his prayers were unduly prolonged; Mme. de 
La Rochefoucauld advised him not to remain longer on his 
knees. He made no answer. She waited for a moment, re- 
peated her words, and then attempted to raise him in alarm, 
and found that he was dead. He was carried into the 
sacristry. All efforts to restore consciousness were fruitless. 
Heart disease had cut short his life at the foot of the Cross 
which he had so earnestly, and I believe so sincerely, invoked 
for the last thirty years. 

A picture was made of him sulla was a striking likeness, 
and recalls the features given to the Christ of the Spanish 
painters, and especially of Murillo. In my opinion, Mathieu’s 
expression lost something of its beauty after ambition entered 
into his life. I can remember him in 1810 in the chapel of 
St. Bruno in the desert of the Grande Chartreuse, where he 
made a poetical and touching picture. He was absorbed in 
prayer, and his beautiful face was lighted by a beam of sun- 
light. All who were present were astonished, and in a more 
credulous age we should certainly have believed that his 
head was encircled with a halo of divine light. 

I was always fond of Mathieu, and lamented his death, 
but there was some comfort in the fact that he had died the 
death of the righteous at a moment when he was surrounded 
by intrigues and intriguers who would almost certainly have 
sullied his reputation. His connection with Mme. du Cayla 
had already stained it. ‘The despair of the Duchesse Mathieu 
was extreme. She was a strange person, and in her narrow 
mind there was room only for passion. She was not devoid 
of intellectual power, could tell an amusing story, and 
counted her money with great accuracy. As money had 
always been the chief affection of her life, she assumed that 
her deity shared her tastes, and when she wanted anything 


90 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


she would go to the altar and promise to devote to religious 
purposes a larger or smaller sum in proportion to the im- 
portance of her desires. If her prayers were heard she 
paid conscientiously, but if she was unsuccessful she gave 
nothing. 

Thus the second Restoration of 1815 cost her thirty 
thousand francs. She had promised fifty thousand if 
Mathieu got well; this she did not pay. She gave alms 
of that part of her goods which the Gospel prescribes, but 
with very laughable restrictions and without the smallest 
enthusiasm. She asserted that she had been born with most 
worldly inclinations, and with strong tastes for dissipation, 
and that she had been obliged to stifle this passion, as she 
could not guide it. She survived her daughter as well as 
her husband, and spent her time in managing the religious 
institutions which he had founded. 

Monsieur greatly regretted the loss of Mathieu. Madame’s 
enthusiasm for him had wholly cooled; she could not pardon 
him for preferring the post of Foreign Minister to that of her 
knight of honour. Here we have another proof, as I pointed 
out in the case of the Duc de Richelieu, of the importance 
which the princes of the House of Bourbon attached to 
service about their persons. 


CHAPTER VII 


Mme. de Duras secures the appointment of the Duc de Rauzan as Di- 
rector of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—Spanish War—Departure 
of the Duc d’Angouléme—Intrigues at Bayonne—Cleverness of 
Ouvrard—Intrigues of the Ultra party—Prudence of the Duc 
d’Angouléme—Ill-feeling against him—Mme. de Meffray—The 
Spanish campaign—Capture of the Trocadero—Conduct of the 
Prince de Carignan—The grenadiers give him woollen epaulettes— 
Observation upon this subject by the Duc de Reichstadt—Madame 
at Bordeaux—The Baron de Damas takes the place of the Marshal 
de Bellune—Return of the Duc d’Angouléme. 


I HAVE often observed with astonishment that the most loyal 
and even the most distinguished women cannot refrain from 
advertising their influence when their favourites have come 
to power. Yet they can hardly do a worse service to the 
object of their affections. Mme. de Duras fell into this 
snare the more easily as she was greatly uneasy concerning 
the attachment of M. de Chateaubriand for Mme. Récamier. 
She insisted that he should appoint her son-in-law, the Duc 
de Rauzan, to the post of director of political business." 
This post had always been held by some experienced diplo- 
matist who had grown old in the traditions of the office. 
M. de Chauteaubriand realised the absurdity of entrusting 
it to a young man who had been attached to the Embassy 
at Russia for three months and had been secretary to the 
legation at Berlin for six weeks. 


_ 1 The Duc de Rauzan was appointed director of political business in 
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on January 1, 1823, and held this post 
till June 6, 1824; he was sent to Portugal as Plenipotentiary Minister in 
July 15,1825. (Histoire Généalogique de la famille de Chastellux, p. 230.) 


gor 


92 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Not knowing how to evade this promise, which had been 
extorted from him in a moment of weakness, he proceeded 
to write to Mme. de Duras saying that he feared that this 
nomination, in which her influence would be obvious, might 
compromise her and make enemies. I have seen the note 
in which she answered that she insisted upon the performance 
of his promise, that she gloried in his affection for her, and 
had no fear of any malicious gossip which might arise con- 
cerning a connection the unpleasantness of which he was 
careful to leave to her. M. de Chateaubriand could not 
venture further resistance, and this unfortunate nomination 
was made. It was the object of general blame and ridicule, 
and greatly marred his reputation. Every one recognised it 
as the result of the imperious influence of Mme. de Duras, 
and she made no effort to conceal the fact. She would, 
however, have been ready to sacrifice everything for this glory 
which she offered upon the altar of her vanity. 

As the war in Spain had been decided, it was necessary to 
begin the work of preparation. It appeared that only one 
order needed to be given for the commencement of the cam- 
paign. The yellow fever which was ravaging the Peninsula 
had necessitated the establishment of a cordon upon the 
frontier for sanitary purposes, and when the scourge of the 
Revolution had been added to the fever, the number of the 
troops had been considerably increased. M. de Villéle, how- 
ever, both for political and financial reasons, opposed any 
proposals for placing these troops upon a war footing. The 
incapacity of the Marshal, the Duc de Bellune, and the 
venality of his subordinates had supported the wishes of 
the President of the Council in practice though not in thought. 

The Duc d’Angouléme was appointed generalissimo, and 
started in the early spring. I have good reason for believing 
that he was by no means an ardent supporter of this war, 
but with him blind obedience to the King was the first con- 


THE SPANISH WAR 03 


sideration. When he reached Bayonne he found that no 
preparations for the campaign had been made, and he 
despatched a courier with the bitterest complaints. He 
showed how unpleasant it would be, both in the eyes of 
France and of all Europe, thus to be checked at the outset 
and to give some apparent colour to the statements of the 
Opposition, which asserted that the King would not consent 
to mobilise the army, because it would declare against his 
Government. The Prince was authorised by telegraph to 
take all necessary measures for the concentration of troops 
and of supplies. The Minister of War was appointed major- 
general of his army, and posted off to Bayonne. The 
Council hoped in this way to be rid of him without offending 
the Ultra party, whose favourite he was, but the Duc d’An- 
gouléme would not even see him. 

It has been said that all the preparations of the War 
Office were thwarted by the intrigues of Ouvrard. He must 
have laid his plans very cleverly, for the Duc de Bellune was 
obliged to admit that no preparations had been made, though 
he had every interest in proving the contrary. In despair 
he countersigned the arrangements which had been made by 
the Prince with Ouvrard, and started back to Paris, where 
he arrived to the great disappointment of his colleagues. He 
found his study and official residence undisturbed; his wife 
had shown an obstinate resistance and refused to admit 
General Digeon,* who had received the Duc’s portfolio during 
his absence and was intended to take his place. The Duchesse 
de Bellune’ had restricted his movements to the offices, and 


1 Alexandre Digeon (1771-1826), general of division in 1813, joined the 
Bourbons, and was created peer of France and Vicomte. He was in- 
terim Minister of War, and commanded the army of occupation in 
Spain. 

? Marshal Victor had contracted his first marriage at Valence in 1791; 
after his divorce he had been married again in Holland in r8or, to Mlle. 
Julie Vosch d’Avesaat. She was Lady of the Palace under the Empire. 


04 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


her defence of her husband’s position contributed to secure 
his retention of it. 

Within ten days after the appointment of Ouvrard as chief 
of the commissariat, the army, which was centred at Bayonne, 
found itself abundantly supplied. I cannot say whether this 
change was produced by underhand means, or whether this 
magical transformation provided much fraudulent profit. 
Many honourable names were compromised, but my informa- 
tion is not sufficiently accurate to enable me to speak upon 
the subject. I am, however, certain that the Duc d’An- 
gouléme displayed both foresight and firmness. The im- 
portant issue at that moment was not the price of rations; 
it was, above all things, necessary to advance, and not to 
leave the malcontents time to undermine the loyalty of the 
troops by waiting for the removal of obstacles in which no 
one would have believed. 

The Duc d’Angouléme had already shown great prudence 
in supporting General Guilleminot* against one of those 
intrigues which the Ultra party was continually working. A 
trunk addressed to one of the General’s aides-de-camp was 
seized in the post.” Information had been sent concerning 
it, and it was found to contain uniforms and cockades 
belonging to the period of the Empire. The officer was 
summoned to Paris, and proved triumphantly that he was in 
no way concerned with this trunk; hence it was necessary to 
abandon the plan which had been largely advertised, and 


1 Armand Charles, Comte de Guilleminot (1774-1840), general of 
division in 1813, major-general in the Spanish expedition and peer of 
France in 1823, and Ambassador in Constantinople from 1824 to 1830. 

?The aide-de-camp was M. de Lostende. Baron Pasquier writes: 
‘This plan had been prepared and carried out, as I am certainly in- 
formed, by a certain Hinaux, a chief commissioner in the Prefecture of 
Police, with the help of a commissioner of police of St. Thomas d’Aquin 
named Genaudel, and an officer of the peace named Morlot.” (Meé- 
motires du Chanceher Pasquier, Vol. V., p. 504.) 


DUC D’ANGOULEME 9s 


which was traced to so religious a source that general silence 
became necessary. The object of this machination was to 
arouse distrust of General Guilleminot and to substitute a 
member of the Congregation for him. However, the Duc 
d’Angouléme treated the General with increased favour and 
kindness. 

I have already said that this prince was in no way influenced 
by clericalism. A man of the utmost piety, leading the 
most exemplary life, he required no mediator between 
himself and Providence. He respected the priest as such, 
but would not allow him any influence in secular matters. 
He never had any private almoner, and refused to take one 
with him upon this campaign, saying that in so Catholic a 
country as Spain there could be no lack of priests. Every 
day he heard Mass, which was said by a local priest wherever 
he might happen to be. On days which were fixed for his 
private worship he would have recourse to the good offices 
of the first ecclesiastic who could understand French that he 
might find upon the road. 

One day an abbé who had been sent from Paris, and was 
provided with a nomination as almoner to the staff, appeared 
at headquarters. ‘The Duc d’Angouléme wished to send him 
away. MM. Guilleminot and De Martignac,* who feared 
that they might incur the wrath of the Congregation, advised 
that he should be allowed to stay; the Prince replied: 

“Well, gentlemen, you will soon repent of your opinion.” 

As a matter of fact, the abbé became a centre of intrigue, 


1 Jean Baptiste Sylvére Gay, Vicomte de Martignac (1778-1832). He 
was a lawyer at Bordeaux, his native town, and attorney-general of the 
local court in 1815. He became attorney-general at Limoge, was deputy 
with Marmande in 1821, was councillor of state, commissioner to the 
army of Spain in 1823, Director-General of Registration in 1825, Minister 
of the Interior, and leader of the Government which bears his name 
from January 1828 to April 1829. He defended the ministers of Charles 
X. before the Court of Peers after the Revolution of 1830. 


96 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


and it was soon discovered that he was conducting a small 
society which sent notes to Paris upon the private life of all 
the officers in the army. ‘The Prince procured one of these 
annotated lists and sent for the abbé, showed it to him, and. 
gave him his marching orders, saying: 

‘““Go away-and hold your tongue. I will have no spies 
in cassocks.” 

Together with this prudence, the Duc showed a cool and 
impassive bravery upon the battle-field: he shared the 
fatigues of the troops, and endured them more easily than 
might have been expected from his delicate appearance. My 
brother was with him as azde-de-camp, and has told me a 
large number of trivial details not worthy of repetition here, 
but confirming belief in the prudence and firmness of his 
general conduct. He became, in consequence, the pet 
aversion of his father and sister-in-law. An unimportant 
incident will give a better idea of their attitude towards him 
than a long and detailed account might do. 

At a luncheon party of some size given by the Comte 
and Comtesse Fernand de Chabot* as a house-warming 
party, some one, impatient at the sarcasms passed on the 
Duc d’Angouléme, said in jest that he had gone to the 
enemy at the head of four regiments. 

“Indeed!” cried Mme. de Meffray,? a lady-in-waiting, 


1 Ferdinand de Chabot, Prince de Léon, son of the Duc de Rohan and 
brother of the Cardinal; he married Mlle. Joséphine de Gontaut, 
daughter of the Duchesse de Gontaut, the governess of the Children of 
France. (Mémoires de Mme. la Duchesse de Gontaut, p. 166.) 

2 Mile. Suzette de La Tour, daughter of Comte de La Tour in Woevre 
and of the Comtesse, née d’Heillimer, who had been settled in Italy after 
the Revolution. Mlle. de La Tour came to France with the Duchesse 
de Berry. She was educated in that country, and married the Comte de 
Meffray. When Mme. de Gontaut was appointed Lady of the Ward- 
robe, the Comtesse de Meffray took her post under the Princesse, who 
had a warm affection for her. (Cp. Mémoires de Mme. de la Duchesse 
de Gontaut, p. 132 ff.) 


THE SPANISH CAMPAIGN 97 


and favourite of the Duchesse de Berry, “‘is it possible? I 
knew that the Duc d’Angouléme was deeply disaffected, but 
I did not know he was capable of that.” 

Doubtless Mme. de Meffray was a simpleton, but her 
words will indicate the prevalent tone of the society in which 
she lived. 

Upon the promulgation of the prudent ordinance of 
Andujar,’ the outcry against the Prince was such that the 
Ministry was obliged to withdraw the ordinance; and from 
that moment the Duc d’Angouléme ceased to take any 
political part in the affairs of the Peninsula, and confined 
himself to his military duties. He had been greatly dis- 
gusted by the attitude of King Ferdinand I., who had not 
only shown him no confidence, but whose behaviour towards 
him had been arrogant in the extreme. For instance, when 
the King was disembarking at Port Sainte Marie, the Duc 
d’Angouléme had presented his sword on his knees: the 
King had allowed him to perform this act of courtesy, to the 
indignation of those Frenchmen present, and to rise again 
without offering him any help.’ 

The absurd display which was made of the capture of the 
Trocadero has cast ridicule upon a very excellent military 
exploit which determined the capture of Cadiz and concluded 
the campaign, if this latter term can be applied to a trium- 


‘ The ordinance issued at Andujar on August 8, 1823, with the object 
of calming public feeling by stopping the arbitrary arrests and the con- 
tinual executions ordered by the Royalists. It was rejected by the 
regency organised at Madrid with the French occupation. The ordi- 
nance was quashed by the Ministry, but after a council presided over by 
the King the Prince was requested to moderate its effect, which he did in 
a letter from Major-General Guilleminot to the commanders of the 
troops. The Duc d’Angouléme always preserved some ill-feeling for 
M. de Chateaubriand who was then Minister of Foreign Affairs, on 
account of his actions in this incident. 

2 October 1, 1823. On September 28 the Cortes, which was sitting in 
Cadiz and had been dissolved, had set King Ferdinand at liberty. 


98 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


phal march from Bayonne to Cadiz. The partisans of the 
Cortes defended themselves in some towns, but generally 
speaking the French army was everywhere received with 
great joy. The populations of the villages ran to meet it, 
and the Prince was received with cheers. 

“Viva el duque! Viva el Borbone! Viva el rey neto! 
Viva la sacra santa inquisicion!”’ cried the crowd, showering 
flowers upon the royal squadron and spreading carpets 
beneath the hoofs of the horses. Hence Marshal Oudinot 
said with a sigh: : 

“The worst part of this is that our men will imagine 
they are making war.” | 

Notwithstanding this outburst of vexation from the old 
soldier, our young troops showed their usual zeal and in- 
trepidity whenever necessary. I have heard officers who 
had seen service say that the little fort of the Trocadero was 
carried with a vigour which would have done credit to the 
grenadiers of the grande armee. 

The Prince de Carignan particularly distinguished him- 
self in this action. He has been deeply reproached for 
joining in this campaign against the revolutionaries. ‘The 
Sardinian court had obliged him to follow this course by 
way of expiation, and he was ready to do anything to escape 
the intolerable position in which he found himself at Florence.’ 
But whatever may be thought of the advisability of his posi- 
tion with the Duc d’Angouléme, every one must approve his 

1'The Prince had remained in exile at Florence after the events of 
1821, and had asked permission to take part in this campaign from the 
King, Charles Félix. He wrote on February 24, 1623: “. . . I have 
written two letters to the King asking leave to join the campaign against 
the Spanish constitutionals as a volunteer.” The letter is quoted by the 
Marquis Costa de Beauregard, who adds: ‘‘That the desired permission 
to start for Spain at length arrived; Charles Félix had kept him waiting 
for some time, for the reason that he wished the Prince to compromise 


himself entirely by the repetition of his request.” (La Jeunesse du Rot 
Charles Albert, p. 241.) 


DUC DE REICHSTADT 99 


bravery in crossing the moat full of water which surrounded 
the redoubt, at the head of the grenadiers. 

The next day upon parade a deputation of grenadiers 
came to the Prince and offered him, in the name of the 
corps, a pair of woollen epaulettes belonging to one of their 
comrades who had been killed at his side during the dangerous 
crossing of the wide moat, and proclaimed him “a French 
grenadier.” The Prince pinned the epaulettes on his 
uniform, and that was certainly one of the happiest moments 
of his life, though his face was wet with tears. All present 
were deeply moved by this sudden and unexpected incident. 

I can remember another incident which occurred at a 
later date, but which I will relate here both for its own 
interest and because I may not be able to carry my story 
so far as the period when it occurred. 

Colonel de La Rue happened to be at Vienna in 1832, 
with the young Duc de Reichstadt.*. The Duc was continu- 
ally questioning him upon the French armies, and asked 
if the King of Sardinia had actually exposed himself as 
much as he was said to have done. M. de La Rue, who 
had taken part in the attack upon Trocadero, told him 
what had happened, and related the presentation made by 
the grenadiers. 

“T can assure you, Sire, that the Prince was well pleased.” 

“T should think so,” said the young man, stamping his 
foot. Then after a long silence he resumed: “This will 
show the difference between countries, my dear La Rue: 


1 Napoleon II., born at Paris, March 20, 1811 (see first volume of 
these Memoirs, p. 260), and died at Schénbrunn on July 22, 1832. In 
1814 the young ‘“‘ King of Rome” was entrusted to his grandfather, the 
Emperor of Austria, Francis I., who would never restore him to the 
Emperor Napoleon either at the island of Elba or at St. Helena. He 
became Prince of Parma, of which his mother was the sovereign, and 
was made Duc de Reichstadt in 1818. He had a deep veneration for 
the memory of his father and for France. 


100 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


among them,’’ and here he pointed to the Russian Am- 
bassador, “when they wish to humiliate an officer they 
make him a soldier. Among us, when they wish to honour 
a prince they make him a grenadier. Ah, my beloved 
France!” And he turned away from the Colonel to hide 
that emotion which the Colonel shared. 

This M. de La Rue has in his possession a curiosity. The 
evening before he left Vienna he spoke to the Duc de Reich- 
stadt, whom he used to meet every evening in society, and 
uttered the well-worn phrase: 

‘Sire, can I do anything for you in Paris?” 

“Anything for me in Paris! For me! Ah no, my dear 
La Rue!” 

La Rue felt the hand of the Prince trembling, and with- 
drew somewhat disturbed by the effect which his want of 
tact had had upon the Prince. As he was getting into his 
carriage the next day a footman handed him a packet: it 
was a large piece of paper, folded in four, with the words in 
the Duc’s handwriting, “‘ Present my respects to the Column.” 
There was neither date nor signature, but the envelope in 
which the paper had been placed by a secretary had been 
countersigned with all the titles of his Royal Highness the 
Duc de Reichstadt, and proved that the writing was his. I 
cannot say whether this is a German custom in the case of a 
prince’s letter, or whether it was a special precaution taken 
in this case. M. de La Rue entrusted the paper to my hands 
during one of his absences, but he asked for it again, and I 
never ventured to express my desire to keep it. 

But to resume the thread of my narrative. ‘The Duchesse 
d’Angouléme had established herself at Bordeaux during the 
war in Spain, to be nearer the source of information. My 
sister-in-law also went to that town for the same reason. 
This community of interest brought her into connection 
with the Princess, who was usually more gracious when she 


BARON DE DAMAS IOI 


was away from Paris, and who now showed that kindness to 
Mme. d’Osmond which she has always continued. My 
sister-in-law was not precisely upon intimate terms, but she 
was one of the few people whom the Duchesse received with 
favour. ‘The distinction was all the more appreciated 
because it was somewhat rare, and my sister-in-law became 
devoted to her. Her natural frankness of character made 
her a favourite with Madame. Mme. d’Osmond is the only 
person of intellect above the average whom I have not 
known the Duchesse to repulse, and doubtless, had it not 
been for this stay at Bordeaux, she would have remained in 
the disfavour which her talents deserved. 

The objection of the Duc d’Angouléme to the Duc de 
Bellune was so loudly proclaimed that his removal became 
necessary. M. de Villéle was the more ready to take this 
course as he was anxious to be rid of the Duc de Bellune, 
and was delighted to throw the unpopularity of the step 
upon the Prince. M. de Chateaubriand, who knew that he 
was in the Prince’s bad books, thought that he was making 
a high bid for favour by urging the nomination of the Baron 
de Damas, who was attached to the Prince’s household.’ 
When the Duc d’Angouléme received the despatch informing 
him of the appointment, he went into the room where his 
atdes-de-camp were assembled and said to them: 

‘“‘Gentlemen, the Duc de Bellune is no longer Minister of 
War. Guess the name of his successor. I will give you 
ten guesses. No; I can give you a hundred, and indeed a 
thousand, if that is not enough.” 

Various names were proposed, and the Prince continued: 

1 Anne Hyacinthe, Baron de Damas (1785-1862.) He was brought 
up at St. Petersburg during the exile, became lieutenant-general at the 
Restoration, commander of the 8th Division from 1816 to 1822, Minister 
of War 1823, and of Foreign Affairs 1824. He was a guardian of the 


Duc de Bordeaux in 1828, followed him into exile, and returned to 
France when his education was completed. 


102 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


““No; you are nowhere near it. It is the Baron de Damas, 
your friend the excellent Damas.”’ The whole staff joined 
in his laughter. Such was the success of M. de Chateau- 
briand’s attempt to curry favour with the Duc d’Angouléme. 

On his return to Paris, the Prince showed himself as 
modest and simple as he had been brave and prudent. in 
Spain. His father received him with paternal joy and 
affection, and the King with that theatrical pomp which 
supplied the place of warmer feelings in his case. The 
Duchesse d’Angouléme was delighted at her husband’s 
success to such an extent that the unusual excitement injured 
her health. She had had so few opportunities for pleasure 
of this kind that she was unable to bear it. Her affection for 
the Duc d’Angouléme was both warm and sincere, although 
she did not share his political views. The Prince had 
retained his connection with the most influential members 
of Richeliew’s Ministry, namely, MM. Pasquier, Mounier, 
etc., and in particular M. Portal, in whose prudence he 
felt the greatest confidence. He was always ready to discuss 
current business with them in order to make use of their 
experience. This intimacy, which the Prince never attempted 
to hide, finally discredited him with the aristocratic party. 
They had desired his overthrow from the time of his tour 
in La Vendée, where he had preached the doctrine of “union 
and forgetfulness.”” ‘The ordinance of Andujar, a crime of 
a similar nature, would have confirmed the notion that he was 
an incorrigible Jacobin, but his formal disapproval of the 
manner in which M. Manuel’ had been expelled from the 


1 Jacques Antoine Manuel (1775-1827), a lawyer and deputy for La 
Vendée; he was implicated in all the conspiracies of the enemies of the 
Restoration. On February 26, 1823, he was speaking during a debate 
upon the monetary vote for the Spanish war, and objecting to French 
intervention. He said that the entry of the foreigners into France had 
caused the death of Louis XVI. by forcing the Revolution to ‘defend 
itself by new methods and new energy.” ‘The Right regarded these 


DUC D’ANGOULEME’S RETURN 103 


Chamber could have left no doubt about the nature of his 
views. 

A few days after his return the Duc d’Angouléme was 
received with loud cheers by a crowd in the court of the 
Tuileries, as he left his carriage with my brother. When 
they were upon the quaz and the greetings were over he fell 
back in his carriage and said with a bitter smile: 

“This is what it is to be an adored prince, as the news- 
papers put it. I wish I could believe in their sincerity. 
But, my dear d’Osmond, they would shout ‘Into the water 
with him!’ just as readily if any one suggested it.” 

He was certainly under no delusions as to his popularity, 
notwithstanding the flatteries with which he was over- 
whelmed by people who had worked their hardest to dis- 
credit him and to destroy his influence with the King and 
‘ the public. He was deeply vexed, and often expressed his 
feelings with his usual lack of good temper, but with con- 
siderable accuracy. No one was more indignant than 
himself at the exaggeration with which the name of the 
Trocadero was used. The spirit of flattery had applied that 
name to everything, from a ribbon to a banqueting hall in 
the Hétel de Ville, from a toy given to the Duc de Bordeaux 


words as an apology for the regicide, and refused to listen to him further. 
Upon the proposal of M. de La Bourdonnaye, notwithstanding the clever 
defence offered by Manuel and his friends, the majority voted for his 
expulsion, after a long discussion, upon March 3. The next day, sur- 
rounded by his friends, he forced his way into the Chamber and took his 
seat. He declined to listen to the President, M. Ravez, who requested 
him to withdraw, and was therefore removed by force at the hands of the 
police upon the President’s order. The National Guard had refused to 
interfere. The Left followed him, and as the majority refused to allow 
the reading of the protest he had drawn up, they declined further part 
in the debates of the Chamber. The expulsion of Manuel was cleverly 
turned to account to inflame public opinion against the legitimate mon- 
archy, and the mistake committed by those who thought themselves the 
best defenders of the Restoration largely contributed-to undermine it. 


104 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


to the triumphal Arc de l’Etoile. The Duc d’Angouléme 
vigorously objected to this final appellation, and the ridiculous 
name speedily fell into disuse. 

The Duc d’Angouléme is a pleasant subject for descrip- 
tion at this moment. It was certainly the best year of 
a life much tried by misfortune. ‘This poor prince deserved 
a better fate, but fortune, his education, his father, those 
about him, and even his virtues prepared for him so de- 
plorable a lot that history, while overwhelming him with 
opprobrium, never did justice to his actual merits. If the 
Duc d’Angouléme had been called to succeed Louis XVIII., 
the Restoration would probably have proceeded upon lines 
sufficiently prudent to secure the approval of the country. 
For many years all hopes were set upon him, and it was not 
until he seemed to be following in his father’s footsteps that 
the storm burst upon the throne and the wrath of the nation 
determined its overthrow. 


GHAPTER «VIII 


The Duc de Rovigo and Prince de Talleyrand—The country seat of 
Saint Ouen—Details of this festivity—The Duc de Doudeauville 
replaces the Marquis de Lauriston as Minister of the King’s House- 
hold—Lauriston is appointed Marshal of France. 


I THINK I have spoken elsewhere of the relations of Mme. 
du Cayla with the Duc de Rovigo during the Empire, and 
their nature as revealed most indiscreetly by his extraordinary 
resemblance to her son." When the immense influence of 
the favourite was firmly established, the Duc de Rovigo 
besieged her with his requests: he wished to be rehabilitated 
at court, to receive a post suitable to his rank, and to re- 
enter the path to power. If she did not secure the position 
which he desired, he threatened to publish a correspondence 
which displayed not only much tenderness for Rovigo, but 
was considerably interesting to the Minister of Police, show- 
ing as it did that she had not waited for the Restoration to 
play a most disgraceful part and to receive payment for it. 
Mme. du Cayla did not know what to do. She had no 
desire to restore the Duc de Rovigo, whose presence she 
could not bear, but she was still more afraid of exasperating 
him. 

_ As he always asserted that his conduct in the affair of 
the death of the Duc d’Enghien had been absolutely inno- 
cent, he insisted that she should explain his part in the 
business to the King. She brought an answer from his 
Majesty that if M. de Rovigo could succeed in persuading 
the public, he would take him into favour again. Hence 


’ See first volume of these Memoirs, p. 255. 
105 


106 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


M. de Rovigo set to work and drew up an account pro- 
fessing to be a justification of himself, in which he incrimi- 
nated himself most clumsily, while uttering grave charges, 
I believe with entire truth, against M. de Talleyrand. 

Mme. du Cayla jumped with joy when she read this 
document, for she saw that it would mean the ruin of two 
men whom she feared almost equally. She was, however, a 
sufficiently clever woman to offer a few critical observations 
to the Duc de Rovigo.. She made him soften certain phrases, 
withdraw certain statements, and then countenanced the 
publication of the work, though she did not precisely advise 
this course, lest he should accuse her of urging him to it. 

The effect was precisely as she had foreseen. The public 
were infuriated with Rovigo, while the whole of the Talley- 
rand party were exasperated. Seeing this excitement at its 
height, the Prince did not attempt to conceal his offended 
dignity, and declared that he would not reappear at the 
Tuileries until his name was cleared of so many slanders. 
No one would support the Duc de Rovigo, and the King 
forbade him to reappear at court. Monsieur and his son 
declared that they would have him turned out if he came 
to their house. All the claims which he made for indemnities 
were disregarded. Mme. du Cayla professed to be over- 
whelmed with despair at this unexpected result of their 
joint efforts, and said that she felt bound no longer to receive 
- him publicly at her house. She promised to lose no oppor- 
tunity to restore his credit, but made him admit that it was 
now necessary to let the storm pass by, and thus she was able 
to get rid of him. 

Possibly she feared to arouse too much ill-feeling upon 
one occasion, or possibly she was unable to succeed in her 
designs against M. de Talleyrand. He at any rate came 
out of the business with ‘flying colours. The King sent a 
message to him to the effect that he could return to the 


PRINCE DE TALLEYRAND 107 


Tuileries without fear of his reception, and he reappeared at 
Mass upon the following Sunday in full triumph. This 
was the occasion when he was most prominent. His post as 
Lord High Chamberlain gave him a seat immediately behind 
the King. He used to stand with his hand upon the chair 
until the Elevation of the Host, when he would kneel down 
with much agility, notwithstanding his lame leg, and was much 
offended if any one offered to help him. His attitude during 
divine service was inimitable: he followed the service with 
an impassive countenance, and no one could accuse him of 
worldly thoughts or of hypocritical bigotry. Any one less 
clever than M. de Talleyrand would have been crushed by 
the revelations in the memoir of the Duc de Rovigo, the 
more so as many living persons could guarantee their ac- 
curacy; but he realised at once that the blow was delivered 
by a man who was unable to push his advantage, and he 
assumed so lofty an attitude that Rovigo missed his thrust 
and was overthrown. 

Upon few occasions has M. de Talleyrand shown a better 
judgment of his position and of his adversary’s powers or 
acted with greater skill. His success was so complete that 
all weapons were blunted from that time. M. de Talley- 
rand came forth purified from the fire in the eyes of his 
contemporaries, and it must be left to history to explain 
his share in the tragedy of the trenches of Vincennes. 

The little house belonging to the Comtesse Vincent 
Potocka, in which the King had issued the so-called Declara- 
tion of Saint Ouen in 1814, was sold upon the death of the 
Comtesse. A handsome country seat soon rose above the 
ruins. ‘The best artists were commissioned to decorate it. 
The rarest plants ornamented the gardens and the green- 
houses. The rooms were furnished with royal luxury, and 
the name of the occupant could not remain long concealed, 
notwithstanding the secrecy maintained, which further excited 


108 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


curiosity. The object of these luxuries was keenly discussed. 
Invitations addressed to the most distinguished members of 
court and of society informed us that the house belonged to 
Mme. du Cayla, and that she proposed to inaugurate her ten- 
ancy with an entertainment to which she invited us. Some 
over-scrupulous persons declined to go, but I was not one of 
them. I had known Mme. du Cayla for a long time, and 
though our intimacy had greatly cooled, I was none the less 
curious to see the house and the entertainment, and both were 
worth the trouble. 

The magnificence of the house had not been exaggerated. 
It was most convenient, and constructed at the greatest 
expense. Every detail.showed minute care. The gutter 
spouts were of polished marble, and the banisters of the attic 
staircase were of mahogany; nothing had been overlooked, 
and it was obvious that artists and workmen had been em- 
ployed regardless of expense. The cleverest painters had 
been commissioned to decorate the walls. But all this luxury 
was in good taste and harmonious, and produced the effect 
of noble simplicity. In the library was an immense portrait 
of Louis XVIII., seated at a table and signing the Declaration 
of Saint Ouen. Even more curious was the sight of the 
papal nuncio, Mgr. Macchi, and M. Lieutard, seated at the 
table and relieving one another in the task of praising the 
Christian virtues of their charming hostess. It should be 
said that this M. Lieutard was the strict tutor of the religious 
youth of the period, and that none of his disciples would have 
ventured into a theatre, with the exception of that which 
Mme. du Cayla was about to open to us. 

The best actors played a pretty vaudeville, followed by a 
little society sketch; and it was even possible for us to believe, 
if we liked, that Mme. du Cayla was merely the faithful and 
devoted guardian of this historical house which her care had 
rescued from oblivion and from the profanation of the Black 


HOUSE AT SAINT OUEN 10g 


Band,’ to preserve it for the gratitude of France, as was testified 
in a long string of couplets. The applause of the spectators 
confirmed the fact, and Mme. du Cayla came forth from a re- 
cess covered with civic crowns and proclaimed as the heroine 
of the Charter to an audience which cared nothing for it. 
This entertainment was a very agreeable function and 
excellently arranged, while the comic side of it was extremely 
amusing. ‘The whole of the diplomatic body crowded about 
the lady of the héuse, as also did the bishops and the mothers 
of the Church. She had attached great importance to 
their presence. She had invariably shown them great at- 
tention, and every week these pious souls met for a grand 
dinner at her table. Half an hour before the time stated on 
the invitations to the entertainment of Saint Ouen, the King 
had come to examine the appointments. ‘The wheel-marks 
of his heavy coach were visible in the well-gravelled drives. 
Mme. du Cayla had hoped for the presence of Monsieur, 
and at the commencement of the morning had set a rumour 
in circulation with much satisfaction that he might be 
coming; however, towards the end of the day she grew 
dissatisfied with so ridiculous an idea. The fact is that 
Monsieur had hesitated. M. de Villéle continually urged 
him to support Mme. du Cayla, whose influence with the 
King he was using for his own purposes. But the influence 
of Madame won the day; she would not condescend to 
flatter the favourite, and always treated her with the utmost 
coldness. Mme. de Choisy, her lady of the wardrobe, whom 
she had married to the Vicomte d’Agoult,’ and with whom 
she spent all her evenings, had begun an intimate acquaint- 
1A speculating society, which bought country houses and aia 
pulled them down and sold the materials —TRANSLATOR. 
«Mme. de Choisy, lady of the wardrobe to the Duchesse adr ponte 
had married in 1816 the Vicomte d’Agoult, equerry to the Princess. He 


was governor at Saint Cloud, lieutenant-general, and peer of France. 
(Almanach Royal.) 


iio COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


ance with Mme. du Cayla in spite of her prohibition; the 
Princess expressed her displeasure, and no longer came to see 
her, although the rooms of Mme. de Choisy were next to her 
own. Mme. du Cayla expressed her gratitude by securing 
the appointment of the Vicomte d’Agoult as governor of 
Saint Cloud. 

I have said that General Lauriston’ was the only member 
of Richelieu’s Ministry who had remained in office. He 
owed this favour to the readiness with which he paid the 
enormous sums which the King was weak enough to spend 
upon his royal amours, and never objected to their amount. 
At the same time, his place as Minister of the King’s House- 
hold was required for M. de Doudeauville, in order that 
Sosthéne de La Rochefoucauld, who was responsible for the 
department of Fine Arts, might be subordinate only to his 
own father. Consequently, to secure the good-will of M. de 
Lauriston, to reward his kindness and to buy his discretion, 
he was appointed Master of the Royal Hounds and Marshal 
of France. He had seen much service, like every servant of 
Napoleon, but he had no military reputation, and this promo- 
tion raised a storm. 

Lauriston’s well-wishers thought that they could calm the 
outcry by sending him to command the army of reserve in 
Spain. On his side he was desirous to gain some laurels for 
his marshal’s baton. He undertook the siege of Pampeluna 
after the surrender of Cadiz and the liberation of the King 
of Spain,” which necessarily secured the fall of every other 


1 Jacques Alexandre Bernard Law, Marquis de Lauriston (1768- 
1828). Grand-nephew of the famous financier under the Regency and 
schoolfellow of Bonaparte, whose aide-de-camp he was. He became 
general of division in 1805, and supported the Restoration. In 1815 he 
was peer of France, in 1817 marquis and minister of the King’s house 
from 1821 to 1824; he commanded the army of occupation in Spain in 
1823, and became Marshal of France in that year. 

* The capture of Pampeluna took place on September 17, 1823. The 


GENERAL LAURISTON tri 


fortress without striking a blow; some brave men paid 
with their lives for the promotion of Lauriston to the rank 
of Marshal, without justifying his advancement in the eyes of 
any one. | 

He had left the civil list in great disorder, which was 
completed under the administration of the Duc de Dou- 
deauville, who was an excellent courtier but too weak and 
vacillating to venture the smallest resistance to the caprices 
of his son and of Mme. du Cayla. This want of firmness 
obliged him to close his eyes to other abuses, and never 
were the public funds more obviously surrendered to pillage. 
The wise administration of M. de La Bouillerie,* holding the 
office of Intendant, had repaired the disorder in a few years, 
and before the Revolution of 1830 the civil list was freed 
from all debts. 


King of Spain was liberated after the dissolution of the Cortes, which did 
not take place until the following September 28, and left Cadiz on Octo- 
ber 1. Marshal Lauriston was in command of the reserve troops of the 
army in Spain under the orders of the Duc d’Angouléme. When the 
Prince marched upon Cadiz he came with his troops to occupy the prov- 
inces of Navarre and Aragon. ‘The siege of Pampeluna was begun to- 
gether with that of San Sebastian. Hence the accusation of Mme. de 
Boigne appears somewhat unfounded. Lauriston was Minister of the 
King’s House on November 1, 1820. Marshal Davoust, Duc d’Eck- 
muhl, had died on June 1, 1823, and he was made Marshal in his place 
by an ordinance of June 24, 1823, the text of which is as follows: ‘‘Mar- 
quis Law de Lauriston (Jacques Alexandre Bernard), secretary of state 
to our household and lieutenant-general of our armies, is raised to the 
dignity of Marshal of France, in place of our cousin, the Duc d’Eckmuhl, 
deceased.”” When the Ministry was reconstituted on August 4, 1824, 
the Duc de Doudeauville was appointed Minister of the King’s House; 
by an ordinance on the same day Marshal de Lauriston became Minister 
of State and Master of the Hounds. (Duvergier, Collection des lots et 
décrets, Vol. XXIV.) ‘Thus more than a year elapsed between the two 
appointments. 

1The Comte de La Bouillerie, peer of France, Minister of State, In- 
tendant-General of the King’s Household. An ordinance of May 23, 
1727, had abolished the Minister of the King’s Household and had reor- 
ganized the domestic service. 


CHAPTER IX 


The Duc de La Rochefoucauld Liancourt is deprived of his sinecures— 
The execution of four young subalterns—Government elections— 
Recall of M. de Chateaubriand—His anger—The indemnity to the 
émigrés and the conversion of Government stock—The Arch- 
bishop of Paris, M. de Quélen—Political position of M. de Villéle 
—Father Elisée—Objection of the King to leaving the Tuileries— 
His motives. 


PUBLIC opinion was greatly shocked by the deprivation of 
the Duc de La Rochefoucauld Liancourt.* I no longer re- 
member upon what occasion he resisted the ministerial desires; 
it was some very unimportant matter. The Moniteur, how- 
ever, went so far as to'give a long list of the posts of which the 
Duc had been deprived. These posts, however, were all 
concerned with charitable works, and were all unpaid. He 
brought both zeal and devotion to the business involved, in 
the interests of the poor, by whom he was adored. Even 
supposing that he had shown some hostility to the Govern- 
ment, this method of reprisal was both puerile and clumsy. 


‘Francois Alexandre Frédéric, Duc de La Rochefoucauld Liancourt 
(1747-1827). Deputy to the States General, went into exile on August 
Io, and returned under the Consulate. He became a member of the 
Chamber of Peers at the Restoration. Was a member of the council of 
the prisons of the Seine. On his resignation, in consequence of a mis- 
understanding with M. de Lavau, the Prefect of Police, he was deprived 
of all the sinecures which he occupied; these included the council of 
hospices, the general council of manufactures, of agriculture and prisons, 
the post of inspector-general of the Conservatoire of Arts and Trades, 
the general council of the Department of Oise and of the committee for 
vaccine, which he had imported into France, etc. The whole life of the 
Duc de Liancourt was devoted to works of charity, for which his zeal 
and generosity were indefatigable. 

I1i2 


ti OUBALTERNS: OF UA ROCHELLE 113 


A yet more cruel vengeance, taken upon the subalterns of 
La Rochelle, aroused deeper resentment. Four of these 
young men perished upon the scaffold for complicity in a 
conspiracy. ‘Their conduct was doubtless most culpable, but 
as their projects had no hope of success, public feeling was 
not sufficiently aroused to agree with the sacrifice of these 
four young men, the eldest of whom had not reached the 
age of twenty-three. ‘Their behaviour was such as to increase 
public interest; they bore themselves firmly and modestly, 
while the prosecution seemed to be inspired by desperate 
energy. J well remember that the little band of moderate 
men who formed my circle were deeply grieved by these 
proceedings, and earnestly desired that the King should 
pardon the young men. I seem to remember that a note 
was handed to the Duc d’Angouléme by M. Portal. The 
Duc replied that he entirely shared his feelings, but had 
made it a rule to interfere in no way with the King’s Govern- 
ment; that he was often deeply vexed by what he saw; 
and that whenever his opinion was asked he gave it con- 
scientiously, but that he would never take the initiative. 
He added, “The opposition of the Princes is too great a 
calamity for the country to bear its multiplication.”’ ‘Then, 
somewhat embarrassed by the words he had let drop, he 
blushed deeply. “The King,” he continued, ‘‘should be 
obeyed unhesitatingly by every one, and especially by myself. 
When he is pleased to make me responsible for any duty, I 
conscientiously do my best. But if he neither consults me nor 
gives me any work to do, I hold my tongue and go hunting.” 

I cannot assert that these words were uttered with reference 
to the subalterns of La Rochelle; I am inclined to think 
that it was after the return from Spain that M. Portal re- 
peated them to us upon the day when he heard them from 
the Prince. This prudence secured our respect and justified 
the hopes which the country set upon him. 


114 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


The success of the Peninsula campaign persuaded the 
Ultra-Royalist party that the Chamber was devoted to them, 
and consequently aroused their violence. They forced M. de 
Villéle to propose laws upon sacrilege, upon the right of 
primogeniture, and to fulfil the promises which had been 
made to the émigres. The minister added on his own 
initiative the conversion of the 5 per cent. stock into 3 per 
cent. ‘This was the only measure to which he attached any 
serious importance. | 

The elections,’ which had been disgracefully manipulated, 
had brought to the Chamber of Deputies a compact majority, 
which voted only according to the good pleasure of the 
minister. He had no difficulty in inducing this majority to 
accept the law of septennial election.” The Chamber of 
Peers was persuaded that this new organisation was better 
and more governmental, and therefore adopted it, though a 
large number of the peers who voted for it recognised the 
inadvisability of continuing the anti-revolutionary party in 
possession of so dangerous an instrument as the Chamber of 
Deputies as then composed. At that point, however, their 
compliance came to anend. The usefulness of representative 
government, with its balance of power, has perhaps never 
been more obvious than at this period. 

The Chamber of Deputies was utterly servile and childishly 
aristocratic; the Chamber of Peers displayed an independent 
and liberal spirit, and the laws concerning sacrilege, the right 
of primogeniture, the reduction of the interest on Govern- 
ment stock, the indemnities, etc., were rejected or so amended 
as to lose their party character. 


1’The Chamber had been dissolved by an ordinance on December 4, 
1823. ‘The new elections took place on February 25 and March 6, 1824. 
They proved disastrous to the Liberals, who had frightened the country 
by their sympathies with the conspirators. 

2 Law of June, 1824. This Chamber was dissolved by M. de Villéle 
himself three years later, in November, 1827. 


MONSIEUR DE CHATEAUBRIAND 115 


M. de Villéle must have deeply repented the fact that he 
had made an exception to his practice of choosing medioc- 
rities by calling M. de Chateaubriand to power. From 
the outset his hope had been deceived that he would find 
him a support against the war which the court, the Church, 
and the Holy Alliance desired to begin in Spain. When 
M. de Villéle saw that he had been duped, he vowed ven- 
geance. As M. de Chateaubriand had no influence with the 
King and the Princes, he was easily attacked from that 
quarter. M. de Villéle asserted that he had voted against 
the law for the conversion of the Government stock.’ M. de 
Chateaubriand always denied this assertion, though he was 
ready to admit that he thought the law ill-timed and danger- 
ous, and freely expressed these views in his salon. At the 
same time, there was no open breach between himself and 
his colleagues, when, one Sunday,” he appeared at the door of 
Monsieur to pay his respects to him. The usher replied 
that he could not enter. M. de Chateaubriand attached no 
importance to this statement; he was somewhat late and 
thought that the door was closed and that Monsieur had 
already gone to the King. He therefore hurried down to the 
cabinet. As they passed the first door he saw some hesitation 
among the ushers and the life guards. At length an officer 
came towards him and said in a tone of respectful condolence: 

“Monsieur, we have orders not to let you pass.” 

M. de Chateaubriand had hardly recovered from his 
astonishment when M. de Vitrolles said to him: 

“Have you not come from your own house?” 


1 The law was rejected by the Chamber of Peers. ‘This defeat seemed 
to shake the power of M. de Villéle for a moment, and M. de Chateau- 
briand intimated that he would be prepared to follow him should he 
retire. The President of the Council, far from appreciating this display 
of devotion, regarded it as a treacherous insinuation. (Cp. Mémoires 
du Chancelier Pasquier, Vol. V., p. 558.) 

* June 6, 1824, being Whit Sunday. 


116 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


“T left it an hour ago.” 

“Well, then you have missed a letter which is waiting for 
you.” 

M. de Chateaubriand hastened home, and found an orderly 
who requested a receipt for a very laconic despatch, which 
stated that the King no longer desired his services. M. de 
Chateaubriand signed the receipt with his own hand, sent 
for half a dozen cabs, into which he tossed his property, and 
before his clock had struck the hour he wrote to M. de 
Villéle, saying that the King’s orders had been accomplished, 
and that both the residence of the Minister of Foreign Affairs 
and the portfolio were at the disposal of the President of 
the Council. 

This method of evacuating the residence pleased the 
imagination of M. de Chateaubriand, and seemed to mollify 
the effects of the wound which he had received at the Tuileries. 
For the first few days he bore his overthrow with a dignified 
calm which did him every credit. By degrees, however, 
the embarrassment and annoyance of his position recalled 
the gratuitous insults which he had received, and aroused 
his hatred and vindictiveness against M. de Villéle to a point 
beyond all conventional bounds. 

The Journal des Debats was open to him through his 
friendship with the brothers Bertin,’ and became the arena 
in which M. de Chateaubriand slaughtered his antagonists 
with weapons so discourteous that the insults he had received 


1 Louis Francois Bertin, known as Bertin Major (1766-1841), founded 
the Journal des Débats. The younger brother was Bertin de Vaux 
(1781-1842). He was a deputy in 1815, and councillor of state in 1827. 
He was member of the Chamber of Peers under the July Monarchy, and 
joined his brother as editor of the Journal des Debats. This newspaper 
had been founded in 1789, and became the property of the brothers Ber- 
tin on Brumaire 18. It was confiscated by Napoleon in 1811, and re- 
stored to the brothers at the Restoration. At that time it was the most 
important political organ. 


THE CENSORSHIP 117 


soon seemed to have been more than repaid, and the more 
so as M. de Chateaubriand in his anger cared little to what 
extent he might undermine the governmental power while 
attacking the Government. M. de Villéle found himself 
obliged to re-establish the censorship,’ but whenever the 
censor erased an article or a phrase, the place was left blank 
in the newspaper, and the imagination of the subscriber 
could supply what “tyranny” prevented him from reading. 
When these blanks were forbidden by an ordinance, the 
journalist replaced them by pages of dashes representing 
lines. It became obvious that, to make the censorship 
efficacious, severity would be necessary which the state of 
public feeling would not permit. In our days any attempt 
to curtail the liberty of the Press can only succeed when the 
danger of liberty is universally obvious or when a period of 
anarchy has preceded, in which every one’s sufferings have 
been so great that each individual desires chains in order that 
his neighbour’s hands may be tied. Such was the fortune 
of the Imperial Government. 

The indemnity to the emigres might have been a just 
and even a politic measure, but it was most unpopular. 
M. de Villéle, with an utter want of tact, conjoined it with 
the law for the conversion of Government stock. His object 
was to secure the votes of all the deputies and émigré peers 
for this latter measure. With the deputies he was success- 
ful, but his efforts in the Chamber of Peers were a failure. 
One of his most formidable antagonists was M. Pasquier, 
who displayed in the upper chamber the same parliamentary 
eloquence which he had already shown as deputy and 
minister; at that time he secured that ascendancy over his 
colleagues which his enlightenment, his constant moderation, 
and his incontestable talents long preserved for him.’ 


? Ordinance of August 15, 1824. 
2M. Pasquier relates that he largely helped to inflict another defeat 


118 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


M. de Villéle also encountered, in the person of the Arch- 
bishop of Paris, an adversary who deprived him of some 
votes. Under pretext of defending the interests of the 
stockholders in his diocese, he displayed great hostility to 
the proposals for conversion, and emphasised the injustice 
and cruelty of the measure after other orators had demon- 
strated its futility from an economic point of view. This 
Opposition secured considerable popularity for the Arch- 
bishop; he had not yet time to develop his haughty and 
ambitious character, and people were inclined to regard him 
as a moderate man. 

The Abbe Quélen,! born of a Vendean family, began his 
career in the service of the Imperial Almonry. Cardinal 
Fesch, his patron, had then found him a post as almoner to 
Madame, the mother of the Emperor. At the time of the 
Restoration M. de Quélen leaped from the knees of Cardinal 
Fesch to those of Cardinal de Talleyrand, whose favourite 
he became. He directed the imperial almonry, and dis- 
played great wisdom. Hence, when Cardinal de Talley- 
rand found his health growing weaker and requested his 
appointment as suffragan Archbishop of Paris, M. de Rich- 


upon the Ministry in the Chamber of Peers. The law permitting the 
authorisation of congregations of women by royal ordinance was re- 
jected. “I pointed out that if the principle were admitted that the 
royal ordinance could authorise the existence of female religious commu- 
nities, no logic could reject the application of the same principle to com- 
munities of men at some later date. It was unnecessary for me to men- 
tion the communities of men who were apparently waiting to profit by 
this advantage; everybody in the assembly immediately thought of the 
Jesuits. ‘This argument was decisive, and the proposal was rejected by 
eighty-five votes to eighty-three.” (Mémoires du Chancelier Pasquier, 
Vol. V., p. 563.) 

1 Hyacinthe Louis, Comte de Quélen (1778-1839). Vicaire-Général 
of Saint Brieuc, secretary to Cardinal Fesch, coadjutor of the Cardinal 
de Talleyrand Perigord, the Archbishop of Paris in 1817, and succeeded 
him in 1821. He became peer of France in 1822, and member of the 
French Academy in 1824. 


MONSIEUR DE QUELEN 119 


elieu readily acceded to this request. He greatly feared that 
this see might fall into the hands of a prelate inspired with 
the reactionary ideas of the emigre clergy, in particular the 
Archbishop of Sens, La Fare," whom Madame was trying 
to advance; he therefore thought that it would be an excellent 
move to secure a man whose previous career was marked 
both by moderation and tolerance. 

These considerations brought M. de Quélen to the front. 
He was an obscure ecclesiastic with no special talent, but he 
obtained the highest ecclesiastical rank when he was barely 
forty years of age. It might have been supposed that his 
ambition was satisfied, but he soon showed that it was in- 
satiable. MM. de Richelieu had been induced to commit a 
mistake. Never since the time of Cardinal Retz had the old 
monarchy consented to give the see of Paris to a man who 
was young enough to act in opposition. This see was a re- 
ward reserved for prelates who had grown old in the Christian 
virtues. The probability of succeeding to it, which was always 
open, was a useful means of keeping several prelates in 
subservience to the Government. Hence it was bad policy, 
even if the character of M. de Quélen had been all that was 
thought, to give the highest clerical post to so young a man. 

M. de Quélen was not of this opinion, and even asserted 
that the reversion of the royal almonry, which was in the 
hands of the Cardinal de Talleyrand, would be his, together 
with the archbishopric of Paris. His ill-temper at seeing 
Cardinal de Croy’ appointed to the former post largely 


1 Henri de La Fare, grandson of the poet (1752-1829). He was 
Bishop of Nancy in 1787, deputy to the States General in 1789, went 
into exile, and returned in 1814. He was first almoner to the Duchesse 
d’Angouléme, and Archbishop of Sens in 1817. He became peer of 
France, Minister of State, and cardinal in 1823. 

* Gustave Maximilien Juste, Prince de Croy (1774-1844). He was 
Bishop of Strasburg in 1817, was consecrated on January 9, 1820, became 
royal almoner in 1821, archbishop in 1824, and cardinal in 1825, 


120 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


actuated his hostility to the proposal for converting the 
Government stock. 

In any case, M. de Villéle, with his talents for finance and 
finesse, was deeply wounded by this exposure and defeat upon 
his own ground. At no other period had he been so entirely 
master in the Cabinet. The incapacity of the Baron de 
Damas had been sufficiently demonstrated in the War 
Department, and he had therefore transferred him to the 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, though he was careful to keep 
the conduct of business in his own hands. ‘The Marquis de 
Clermont Tonnerre was transferred from the Naval to the 
War Office; he was equally ready to obey the President of the 
Council upon every occasion when the Congregation did not 
decide otherwise, and at this period these two high powers were 
in complete harmony. I cannot remember which nonentity 
took the place of M. de Tonnerre in the Naval Office.’ 

M. de Corbiére and M. Peyronnet seemed to be the most 
independent members of the Cabinet, but as their inclina- 
tions were absolutely opposed to the interests of the Revo- 
lution, M. de Villéle found it advisable to make an open 
show of resistance to their demands in order to preserve that 
public reputation as a moderate man which he had acquired 
when he led the Ultra Opposition. 

Louis XVIII. no longer took any part in business, while 
Monsieur found himself obliged to show every consideration 
for the man who had placed the crown upon his head thus 
early. ‘Thus every circumstance contributed to secure the 
omnipotence of M. de Villéle, when his power was checked by 
his defeat in the Chamber of Peers. He felt this reverse the 
more deeply as after the war with Spain he had appointed 
a considerable number of peers, and felt as certain of a 
majority in that Chamber as in the Chamber of Deputies. 
He promised himself to take his revenge, and to renew his 

1M. de Chabrol. (See second volume of these Memoirs, p. 68.) 


FATHER ELISEE | 121 


favourite project, the conversion of the Government stock, at 
a more opportune moment. 

The King’s health became steadily worse. He fell into a 
kind of stupor, from which he only recovered to receive the 
visits of Mme. du Cayla. Upon those days he invariably 
gave as the password “Sainte Zoé,” accompanying this con- 
fidence with a smile which he attempted to make indiscreet; 
the Duc de Raguse has often told me that it inspired him 
with even more pity than disgust. ‘The King detested Saint 
Cloud. His favourite physician, Father Elisée, whom he 
had brought back with him from exile, felt bored when out 
of Paris and had persuaded the old monarch that the Chateau 
was damp. Hence he had been accustomed to say every 
year, for princes are always ready to repeat polite formule, 
that he could not wait there for his birthday, but would 
come back to Paris for the “Festival of the Cats.” It was 
a piece of the courtiers’ art to appear not to understand, 
in order to give him the pleasure of explaining that he re- 
ferred to the middle of August (“mi aout’’). 

A strange anomaly in this strict and religious court was 
the presence of Father Elisée.1 He had been a Brother of 
Charity,” and was a somewhat clever doctor. During the 
Revolution he threw away his cassock, and plunged into all 
the extravagances of the time with the appetite of a man 
long under restraint. He found some amusement in intro- 
ducing his successive mistresses under the title of “Mere” 
Elisée. By some means he discovered a considerable number 
of pretty girls, whom he then passed on to his friends or 
patrons. This business of his, with its accompanying dis- 


1Elisée Marie Vincent Talachon, born in 1753; went into exile in 
1792, and died September 29, 1817: 

2 A religious order founded in 1540 by Saint Jean de Dieu, to care for 
the sick. At the present day they are known as the Brothers of Saint 
Jean de Dieu. 


122 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


graceful scenes, extended to the apartments of the King’s 
palace, beneath the very eyes of Madame, who was aware of 
it, but made no difference in her treatment of him, though so 
scandalous a life, especially in the case of an old monk, would 
have met with just reprobation anywhere. But Father Elisée 
enjoyed the privilege of a man without a character, whose 
actions pass unreproved because the actor is unashamed. 

It was only in view of the absolute necessity of having the 
Tuileries cleaned that the King consented to leave this 
palace for the moment. It was inhabited by more than 
eight hundred people who were by no means invariably clean 
in their habits. ‘There were kitchens on every floor, and 
an absolute lack of cellars or sinks; consequently all kinds 
of filth collected and made such a smell that one was almost 
suffocated when going up the staircase of the Pavillon de 
Flore and crossing the corridors of the second floor. ‘These 
appalling odours eventually reached the King’s rooms, and 
decided him to make the shortest possible stay at Saint 
Cloud. He would only leave Paris when driven to extremes. 
I have heard that one of those visionaries, of whom the King 
was always ready to ask questions, had told him during the 
exile that he would return to the Tuileries, but would not 
die there. The worse his health became, the more earnestly 
did he cling to the place where he was not to die. It must 
have been at Ghent, during the Hundred Days, that the 
King told the story of this. prophecy. I cannot recall how 
the story reached me, or how far it is credible. ‘The fact 
remains that he preferred the Tuileries to any other dwelling. 
Monsieur and the Duc d’Angouléme liked it very well. The 
Duchesse de Berry felt no objection to it, and was ready to 
follow her family. Madame was the only person who pre- 
ferred Saint Cloud, and regretted that the court made no 
longer stay there. 


CHAPTER xX 


Last illness of King Louis XVIII.—Adroitness of Mme. du Cayla—The 
King’s death—The Dauphin is asked to take precedence—The 
King’s funeral—The title of ‘‘Madame”’ is refused to the Duchesse 
de Berry—The title of Royal Highness is given to the Princes 
d’Orléans—Reception at Saint Cloud—Entry into Paris of King 
Charles X. 


On the festival of St. Louis, 1824, I went to pay my re- 
spects to the King. I had not seen him since the month 
of May, and I was much shocked by the great change in his 
appearance. He was seated in the same arm-chair, and in 
his usual costume, a uniform brilliant with gold lace and 
studded with orders. The gaiters of black velvet round his 
legs were twice as large as before, and his once noble head 
was so diminished in size that it looked quite small. It 
dropped upon his chest so far that his shoulders rose above 
it; only with an effort could he raise his face, and then 
showed features so changed and lifeless that there could be 
no doubt of his condition. 

He spoke a few kind words to me when I made my bow. 
I was the more touched as I considered that I was then see- 
ing for the last time this old monarch, whose wisdom had 
been put to so many proofs, and who would perhaps have 
triumphed over the difficulties of his position if the weakness 
consequent upon his infirmity had not made him helpless in 
the hands of those against whose foolishness he had struggled 
for thirty years. 

Louis XVIII. was accustomed to say that a King of France 
should only take to his bed in order to die. He proved 


123 


124 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


loyal to this principle, for between August 25 and September 
16, the last day of his life, he again appeared in public and 
held his court upon two occasions. Possibly a more personal 
motive stimulated his courage. I had this account from 
Dr. Portal,’ his chief physician. The preceding year, the 
King had asked him what would be the manner of his death. 
Portal had attempted to turn the subject, but the King de- 
clined to be put off. 

“‘Do not treat me as a fool, Portal. I know very well that I 
have not long to live, and I know that I shall suffer much, 
perhaps more than at this moment. What I wish to know 
is whether the final crisis will take place in unconsciousness, 
or if I shall be obliged to spend several days in agony.” 

“Why, Sire, so far as can be seen, your Majesty’s illness 
will be slow and gradual, and may last many years.” 

“Slow and gradual,” said the King with some temper; 
“that is not what I want to know. ‘There is no prospect 
that I shall be found dead in my chair?” 

“T do not think there is any likelihood of that.” 

“Then it will be impossible to keep out my brother and 
his priests,” growled the King between his teeth, after a 
moment’s silence. ‘Then he turned the conversation. 

It would seem that his prejudices had in no way diminished, 
for he received with marked coldness all the hints of those 
about him that he should attempt to seek relief from his 
sufferings in the good offices of the Church. The Duchesse 
d’Angouléme ventured to advise this step more directly; he 
replied in a severe tone: 

“Tt is not yet time, niece; make your mind easy.” 


1 Baron Antoine Portal (1742-1832). He was a doctor at Montpellier 
in 1764, professor at the College of France in 1769, then professor of 
anatomy at the Jardin des Plantes in 1777. He was a member of the 
Institute and chief physician to Louis XVIII. The Royal College of 
Medicine was founded in 1820 at his instance. 


MADAME DU CAYLA 125 


However, the danger became more imminent, and the 
anxiety of the family increased proportionately. 

Mme. du Cayla, who was not likely to be deterred by any 
sense of false delicacy, considered that there was no harm in 
rousing the feelings of a dying man in order to gain some 
power over the living. She arrived unexpectedly to see the 
King on the evening before his death, with the result that 
after a long conference the royal almoner was summoned to 
the King’s side. Temporal affairs, moreover, were not 
forgotten during this last conversation. 

Marshal Mortier’ possessed in the Rue de Bourbon a 
magnificent residence which he announced for sale. That 
same morning a business man came to offer him eight 
hundred thousand francs. The Marshal hesitated for a 
time, and asked for an interval to think over the matter and 
to consult his wife and children. He was given an hour. 
The bargain was one that must be settled immediately, as 
negotiations for another residence had been opened. The 
Marshal asked the name of the purchaser. 

“What does that matter to you?” 

“Tt matters a great deal, for I wish to know if he is 
solvent.” 

“Entirely solvent; and you will be paid in the course of 
the day. His name is not to appear.” 

The Marshal gave his consent, and immediately after the 
visit of Mme. du Cayla to the King the eight hundred thousand 
francs were paid out to him in cash. An order, signed with 


1 Edouard Adolphe Casimir Joseph Mortier, Duc de Trévise (1768- 
1835). He was captain of the Volunteers of the North in 1771, brigadier- 
general and then general of division in 1799, marshal in 1804, Duc de 
Trévise in 1807, peer of France and commander at Lille in 1814. He 
had refused to join the court for the trial of Marshal Ney. He re-entered 
the Chamber of Peers in 1816, was Grand Chancellor of the Legion of 
Honour in 1831, and Minister of War from 1834 to 1835. He was killed 
at the side of Louis Philippe by the assassin Fieschi. | 


126 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


the name “Louis” barely legible, had induced the Duc de 
Doudeauville to pay this considerable sum. The King was 
still breathing, and in strict law could still sign a monetary 
order. At the same time, Mme. du Cayla was always 
somewhat ashamed of this acquisition, and of the time 
when she secured it. She never ventured to live in the 
house, and a few years afterwards she sold it to the Duc de 
Mortemart.’ 

As soon as the King’s resolve was taken, he showed the 
greatest firmness. He personally gave orders that all the 
ceremonies should be carried out with all the forms usual 
in the case of previous kings, and these forms his prodigious 
memory could recall to the smallest details. A few hours 
before his death the royal almoner made a mistake in reading 
the prayers for those im extremis. Louis XVIII. interrupted 
him, and corrected the mistake with a presence of mind and 
calmness which never left him for a moment. The family 
was assembled at the end of the room, and was deeply 
affected. The doctors, the attendants on duty, and the 
clergy were around the bed. The First Gentleman of the 
Chamber held the curtain; when the chief physician gave 
the sign that all was over, he let it fall, and turning round, 
bowed to the Princes. 

Monsieur left the room sobbing, and Madame prepared to 
follow him. Hitherto she had always taken precedence of 
her husband as the King’s daughter; when she reached the 
door she suddenly stopped, and through the heart-felt 


‘Casimir Louis Victurnien de Rochechouart, Prince de Tonnay 
Charente, Duc de Mortemart (1787-1875). He was lieutenant of dra- 
goons in 1806, orderly officer to the Emperor and joined the Bourbons, 
was colonel of the Cent Suisses, peer of France, major-general of the 
National Guard in 1815, lieutenant general, and ambassador to St. Pe- 
tersburg in 1828. He was appointed minister by Charles X. during the 
days of July, 1830. He joined the new monarchy, was Ambassador to 
Russia from 1831 to 1833, and senator in 1852. 


FUNERAL OF THE KING 127 


tears with which her face was streaming she said with 
difficulty. 

“Take precedence, Dauphin.” 

He immediately obeyed, without any hesitation or any 
remark. ‘The First Gentleman announced, “The King!” 
the courtiers repeated, “The King!” and Charles X. reached 
his rooms. ‘The carriages were in waiting, and he imme- 
diately left the palace with his family to go to Saint Cloud, 
according to the custom of the Kings of France, who never 
stay a moment in the palace where their predecessor has just 
passed away. 

The Princes of the House of Bourbon have been warmly 
criticised for their sacrifices to the laws of etiquette, but it is 
obvious that this was a tendency inherent in their character. 
Certainly the Dauphin’s wife was deeply affected by her uncle’s 
death; and even if she had not been attached to him, the 
terrible scene at which she had been present would have been 
enough to move her deeply. Only a few seconds had elapsed, 
and the dying man’s last groan was still ringing in her ears; 
yet nothing could distract her attention from a matter of 
pure etiquette under circumstances when no one would have 
noticed any breach of it. On this sad occasion the Dauphin 
had not claimed his right, but had simply accepted it with- 
out any display of astonishment or impatience. A man so 
enslaved by forms will naturally impose the same duties upon 
others, and at times may reach a point which seems ridiculous 
to people brought up under other ideas. My brother, who 
was on duty in the service of the Dauphin, was an eye- 
witness of the last moments of Louis XVIII., and it is from 
him that my account is derived. 

The late King’s apartment was draped in black, and 
decorated as a chapelle ardente. Masses were said there 
throughout the morning. The superior officers undertook 
the duty of watching beside the body, which lay in state for 


128 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


several days. The public were admitted by ticket, and the 
scene was said to be extremely beautiful. My usual idleness 
and some small dislike for spectacles of this kind prevented 
me from going, or from being present at the funeral in Saint 
Denis. | 

The funeral procession was remarkable for the fact that 
the clergy were not represented. A quarrel upon a point of 
jurisdiction had arisen between the Chief Almoner and the 
Archbishop of Paris," and M. de Quélen had forbidden the 
ecclesiastics of his diocese to accompany the procession. It 
seems that this prohibition did not extend to the Chapter 
of Saint Denis, for the service was solemn and dignified. I 
received an account of the spectacle the same day from many 
of the eye-witnesses, and especially from the Duc de Raguse, 
whose lively imagination had been struck by the ancient 
feudal customs in which he had been called to play his part. 
He described them with a happiness of expression which he 
attained much oftener in speaking than in writing, and which 
made his conversation delightful. 

I can remember, among other things, how he described 
the moment when the chief herald took, one after the other, 
the helmet, the buckler, and the sword of the King, and 
threw them after him into the vault. They could be heard 
rolling from step to step, while the herald said three times 
in each case, ‘The King is dead!” After this death cry, 
nine times repeated in a mournful voice, amid the silence of 
the congregation, the door of the vault was closed violently, 
and the heralds turned round to the people with the simul- 
taneous cry, “Long live the King!” All who were present 
repeated the cry. I will admit that the helmet and sword 


1 An ordinance of January 25, 1826, restricted the privileges of the 
chief almonry, and put an end to the conflicting claims of the Archbishop 
of Paris, Mgr. de Quélen, and Mgr. de Croy, the Chief Almoner, which 
had caused a dispute after the death of the Cardinal Périgord in 182r. 


FUNERAL OF THE KING 129 


of Louis XVIII. might seem a ridiculous procedure, but 
when the Marshal described the sound of these weapons 
falling into the depths of the royal tomb he inspired such 
emotion as he himself felt at the moment. 

This ceremony gave rise to a literary quarrel which is still 
continuing. M. de Salvandy, who had already made a name 
for himself by some political pamphlets, inserted in the 
Journal des Debais a glowing narrative of the funeral at 
Saint Denis. Many persons thought they recognised the 
pen of M. de Chateaubriand, and complimented him 
upon the performance, going so far as to say that he 
had never written anything better. He was never able 
to pardon Salvandy for this mistake on the part of the 
public, which wounded him to the depths of his infinite 
vanity. 

King Charles X. said a few kind words to M. Brézé, Grand 
Master of the Ceremonies, thanking him for the excellence 
with which he had prepared and organised the details of the 
funeral. 

“Oh, Sire,”” he replied modestly, “your Majesty is very 
kind, but there were many defects. Next time we will do 
better.) 

“Thank you, Brézé,” replied the King with a smile, “but 
IT am not in a hurry.’” 

Thereupon M. de Brézé collapsed. 

Upon assuming the title of Dauphine, the Duchesse 
d’Angouléme abandoned the title of “Madame,” which she 
had hitherto borne. The Duchesse de Berry desired to 
appropriate this latter, and asked for the King’s authorisa- 
tion; he replied very dryly: 

“By what right? Iam alive and you are a widow. The 
thing is impossible.” 

In fact, if the Duc de Berry had been alive, he would not 
have become ‘‘ Monsieur” until his brother’s accession, but 


130 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


the claims of the Duchesse de Berry had a more political 
origin. An attempt had been made in her interest to secure 
that the Duchesse d’Angouléme, mother of Frangois I., should 
be exclusively styled “‘ Madame,” and it was to the mother 
of the Duc de Bordeaux that she wished to transfer this 
title, thus preparing for herself an independent mode of life, 
and perhaps a possibility of regency should the occasion arise. 
She did not, however, enjoy sufficient respect in the family 
to obtain this mark of distinction, to which the Dauphine 
firmly objected. 

Some courtiers attempted to speak of ‘‘Madame” during 
the first days, and she replied severely: 

‘““Do you mean the Duchesse de Berry?” 

The King expressed himself in similar terms, and the title 
was used only by those attached to the household of the 
Duchesse de Berry, by some familiar friends, and by subor- 
dinates who wished to curry favour. Mme. de Gontaut, 
though the governess of the children, declined to use it, and 
this was the beginning of the coolness between the Princesse 
and herself. 

Charles X. had not inherited the ill-feeling of Louis XVIII. 
for the d’Orléans family, which he treated with kindness. 
The sincere friendship between the Dauphine and the 
Duchesse d’Orléans had modified the prejudices of the 
daughter of Louis XVI. The King conferred upon the 
Princes d’Orléans the title of ‘Royal Highness,’ which had 
been extinct for two generations. Only a prince, and one 
who had been long exposed to the petty vexations resulting 
from difference in rank, could appreciate the joy which was 
felt at the Palais Royal. Notwithstanding their claims to 
enlightened Liberalism, this title was received with as much 
happiness as it could have been during the period described 
by Saint Simon. Old instincts regard neither claims, nor 
times, nor circumstances, whatever efforts may be made to 


POPULAR ED Ys ClsGHARIHS | xX: 131 


overcome them. The d’Orléans family were and will be 
princes and Bourbons, whatever may happen.? 

The day following the death of the old King, Charles X. 
received the chief bodies of the State at Saint Cloud. He 
made a declaration of principle, and gave assurances so much 
more Liberal than might have been expected, that delight 
was both keen and widespread. ‘These words were repeated 
in the evening, and printed the next day in the Moniteur. 
In Paris, and soon afterwards throughout the provinces, they 
excited general enthusiasm for the new ruler. His popularity 
was at its height on the day when he made his entry into 
Paris in a pouring rain which could neither diminish the 
number of the spectators nor drown the warmth of their 
cheers. ‘The King was on horseback, getting wet with the 
best grace in the world, with the pleasing and open counte- 
nance which charmed the citizens of Paris in 1814. 

The nation, always desirous of some new thing, and ever 
ready to be entertained, welcomed the new reign with satis- 
faction. All the distrust of Monsieur, the Comte d’Artois, 
which had been accumulating for years, was dispelled in a 
moment by a few phrases which Charles X. pronounced in 
honour of the Constitutional Charter. It only remained for 
him to turn these favourable feelings to further advantage. 
He fully appreciated them, for it was ever his instinct to 
seek popularity. He wished to please, and if he repulsed 
popular affection, he did so with reluctance. He was carried 
away by the clerical and political partisanship which domi- 
nated both himself and his Council. I could have wished 
to deceive myself with the belief that the weight of the 

1 Mme. de Boigne here alludes to the polemical discussion, continued 
among politicians and in the Press after the Revolution of 1830, to de- 
termine whether the Duc d’Orléans had been called to the throne because 
or although he was a Bourbon. Some publicists under the new régime 


even claimed to have shown that the d’Orléans Princes were not Bour- 
bons but Valois. 


132 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


crown had changed the course of his ideas, but I knew him 
too well. I remember at that time that I discussed the 
matter at length with Mathieu de Montmorency, M. de La 
Riviere, and some others of their party. 

“You assert,’ I said to them, “that France does not know 
what she wants, and that there is no public opinion. Well, 
you will admit that Monsieur was most unpopular, and that, 
upon the contrary, Charles X. is very popular. Hence 
you infer that the nation is both fickle and prone to ex- 
aggeration, and that its impressions are not worth considera- 
tion. At the same time, a change has taken place during 
the last week; the unpopular Monsieur was regarded as hos- 
tile to the new laws of the country, whereas the popular 
Charles X. has proclaimed himself their guardian. Would it 
not be logical to conclude that France is unanimous upon one 
point, namely, the maintenance of the new interests and of 
the Constitutional Charter which she has secured by thirty 
years of suffering?” 

“Good gracious!” they replied, with some disdain; ‘no 
one wishes to interfere with their Charter or with the inter- 
ests of the Revolution. They will be left untouched. But 
it is not right to sacrifice to them such few advantages as 
have been left to the upper classes, and, besides, we must 
have the power to govern.” 

M. de Villéle profited by the new reign to remove the 
censorship, which was causing him great trouble. He did 
not gain much in consequence, for attacks were just as keen 
when they were permitted as when they were forbidden. 

The Liberal tendencies were not of long duration. The 
King and his councillors reverted to their former habits, and - 
hostility to the Government increased as the hopes were de- 
ceived which had been so readily entertained upon such slight 
grounds. | 


74 


CHAPTER XI 


The Dauphin enters the Council—Demands of the Congregation—Law 
upon sacrilege—Attitude of the Princes towards the army—King 
Charles X. at cards—Evening receptions given by the Dauphine— 
The Duchesse de Berry at Rosny—Her habits—Her tastes—Her 
popularity—Coronation of the King at Reims—Festivities at Paris. 


I HAVE reason to believe that the prudence shown at the 
outset was largely due to the influence of the Dauphin. 
M. de Villéle, who knew by experience what could be effected 
by the heir to the Crown, realised immediately the strength 
which a reasonable Opposition under his leadership might 
gain, and attempted to neutralise any such movement. 
Pretending a great admiration for the sound judgment of 
the Dauphin, he requested him to enlighten the Council with 
his presence. ‘The Prince perceived the snare, and those who 
were honoured by his confidence advised him to refuse. But 
the King commanded, and the son obeyed as he obeyed every 
order of his father, including the order to lose his crown. 
At the same time he was relieved by the fact that he was 
not supposed to countenance the acts of that Council in 
which he consented to take a seat. He offered no criticism 
upon their decisions, but ostentatiously took no part in them. 

For instance, upon the day following an important deci- 
sion which had been taken against his opinion, as he walked 
past the Council table he put his hand upon his chair, saying: 

“T often have a very comfortable nap in this chair.” 

On another occasion at Saint Cloud, addressing a crowd of 
courtiers who were standing around him: 

“Gentlemen,” he said, “which of you can tell me, at once 

133 


134 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


and without counting, how many volumes there are in this 
bookcase ?” 

Several people made a guess. 

‘“Lévis is the nearest,” said the Dauphin. “I am quite 
sure of the number, for I counted them all again during the 
last Council. I usually spend the time that way when I do 
not go to sleep.” 

These words were repeated as they were spoken, and for 
so reserved a prince they seemed to denote absolute opposi- 
tion to the step taken by the Ministers. But these dis- 
avowals were known only to a small circle, and the Dauphin’s 
popularity suffered greatly from his entrance to the Council. 
At the same time, M. de Villéle had shortened his own 
tether by this means: as the opposition of the Dauphin was 
no longer to be feared, the Congregation set no limits to 
their demands, and the minister was often obliged to submit 
to their requirements. ‘The patronage of every post of rank 
was in the hands of the Congregation. Military promotion 
was decided ‘by attendances at Mass. The sentries were 
ordered to present arms to the Chief Almoner, while his 
notes upon the officers were more carefully considered by the 
Ministers of War, Damas and Clermont Tonnerre, than those 
of the Inspectors-General, who themselves were often obliged 
to submit to Jesuit demands. 

Charles X., who was a member of the Society and directly 
dominated by it, would not entertain an idea without sub- 
mitting it to the Congregation. The decisions of the Con- 
gregation were brought to him through various channels. 
The usual agents were the Abbé de Latil, who had become 
the Archbishop of France, and the Marquis de Riviere, who 
succeeded Duc Mathieu de Montmorency as guardian of the 
Duc de Bordeaux, and began his duties as soon as the little 
prince had reached his sixteenth year. 

As an instalment, a law upon sacrilege was brought for- 


LAW UPON SACRILEGE 135 


ward, which aroused much discussion. The manner in 
which it was discussed and amended in the Chamber of 
Peers contributed to secure the popularity of that assembly, 
which offered a creditable resistance to the claims of the 
Congregation and of the émigré party. Among several good 
speeches, the most remarkable was that of M. Pasquier; by 
the change of a clause he was able to abolish the cruel and 
untimely severity of the penalties proposed, and practically 
nullified the law. ‘This was one of the numerous grievances 
which Charles X. had against him. 

On the day that this latter was proposed M. Portal brought 
forward another law to protect the coasting trade. The 
Cardinal de Croy, the Chief Almoner, after attentively 
listening for three-quarters of an hour, whispered to his 
neighbour: | 

“In what an age we live! He speaks of barratry and 
cheating, but observe how carefully he avoids the terms 
religion and sacrilege; this is the result of entrusting such 
business to the hands of a Protestant. It is disgusting.” 

With much difficulty his eminence was made to under- 
stand that another law was under discussion and not that of 
sacrilege, which he had come to illumine with his apostolic 
enlightenment. ‘The word “barratry” had struck him, and 
he had taken it apparently for a term of Protestant theology. 
The Cardinal de Croy was, however, a worthy man, and if all 
the palace priests resembled him, “the throne and the altar,” 
to use a current formula, would have been the better for 
such straightforward service. 

Next to hunting, ‘the Dauphin liked nothing so much as 
playing at soldiers. This amusement was permitted the 
more readily as he troubled very little with matters of military 
organisation. After he had drilled a few battalions, had 
severely reprimanded some clumsy execution, had pointed 
out a mistake in a uniform or in the handling of a weapon, 


136 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


he imagined that he was a great soldier, and went home 
delighted with himself. 

The Dauphine had a much better idea of the part which 
he should have played. There was not an officer whose 
face and whose name she did not know: she was aware of 
their circumstances, their hopes, and their family connections, 
and paid no attention to the notes of the Almoner, notwith- 
standing her sincere piety. She would put forward the 
Dauphin’s name whenever she gained a favour, which in 
most cases was nothing more than an act of justice. She 
was almost a mother to the young officers of the Guard, 
and did her best to procure them amusement as, well as 
promotion. Upon many occasions she secured the suspen- 
sion of orders which interfered with the amusements of the 
Carnival. Hence she was adored by these young men, for 
whom she relaxed the usual severity of her countenance. 
Though she thus appeared the patroness of the young army, 
she was never able to identify herself with the glorious 
remnants of the grande armeée. 

The Dauphin showed less repugnance in this direction, 
and so far held the advantage of his wife. As for the King, 
his emigre tendencies were visible in every direction. Louis 
XVIII. was constantly reminding the officers of the Empire 
of the anniversaries of those battles in which they had taken 
part: his incredible powers of memory were often displayed 
in his narratives of marches and manceuvres which the 
soldiers themselves had often forgotten amid the number 
of their military experiences, while he often brought forth 
memories agreeable and flattering to those with whom he 
spoke. 

Charles X., on the other hand, would never speak of the 
wars of the Empire. Marshal Marmont, who was often 
summoned to play whist with him, sometimes took pleasure 
in noting the anniversaries of brilliant exploits performed by 


CHARLES X."AT CARDS 134 


the French army. But the King invariably disputed their 
brilliance with much vivacity, and represented them as they 
appeared in the accounts which he had read abroad. If the 
Marshal or any one else attempted to place the facts in their 
true light, he showed much displeasure and anger, and his 
partner in the game felt the consequences, for he was a very 
bad player. 

When he ascended the throne he declared that a king’s 
reproaches were too important to be expended over a game 
of cards, and that he would lose his temper no more. How- 
ever, he was not one of those men who can control them- 
selves. He was extremely obstinate, because he could not 
understand explanations, but he had no force of character. 
After a few weeks of constraint his old tendencies took the 
upper hand, and his anger exploded. 

He was vexed, and even a little ashamed of himself in conse- 
quence, and did not care for too numerous an audience. He 
usually played his game of whist in the rooms of the Dauphine, 
and practically no one was present except his partners. They 
were not particularly anxious to repeat the discourteous 
words which the King let fall in his anger, as they knew 
that their turn might come the next day. 

Sometimes, however, such comical scenes took place that 
stories of them reached the outside world. Among others 
I remember one evening that the King, after uttering a 
thousand insults, called M. de Verac’ ‘a driveller.”’ 

M. de Verac, red with anger, rose and said with much 
vehemence: 

“No, Sire; I am not a driveller!”’ 

The King, who was also very angry, raised his voice and 
replied: 

“Well, sir, do you know what a driveller is?” 

“No, Sire; I do not know what a driveller is.” 


1 See second volume of these Memoirs, p. 178. 


138 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


“Well, sir; no more do I.” 

The Dauphine could not refrain from a burst of laughter, 
in which the King joined, together with all the company. 

The Dauphin used to play chess, and withdraw at an early 
hour to the Dauphine’s room, the doors of which were then 
closed. The Princess was left alone with her tapestry work. 
Every day she invited two or three ladies from her own 
household or from that of her husband to join these evening 
gatherings, at which full dress was obligatory. My sister- 
in-law was invited somewhat oftener than others, as she was 
a favourite; the ladies upon duty had no right to be present 
without an invitation. The Dauphine was by no means 
pleasant to her ladies, and permitted no familiarity. From 
time to time the Duchesse de Berry would come to the 
apartments of the Dauphine. She took part in the King’s 
game, and was scolded quite as much as the others. 

This kind of court was sometimes held at her house, and 
was then a little more numerous. When the Dauphine 
was absent, the King would transfer his game to the rooms 
of the Duchesse de Berry. At Saint Cloud they met in the 
King’s drawing-room; and this mode of life continued 
without the smallest change until July 31, 1830, inclusively. 

The Duchesse de Berry did not share the monotonous life 
of the other Princes. For a considerable time she had 
thrown off her mourning and had plunged into every avail- 
able distraction. Her mourning had been a pretext for 
surrounding herself with a court of her own, and she had 
been careful to choose members who were young and cheer- 
ful. The funeral monument and a charitable institution 
which she was founding at Rosny to receive her husband’s 
heart often brought her there during the early days of her 
grief. Her constant appearances in this district became 
visits; she received some visitors, and began to seek amuse- 
ment. Soon the journeys to Rosny became diverting fes- 


DUCHESSE DE BERRY 139 


‘tivities. Nothing was simpler in character, though I could 
never reconcile myself to the Princesse’s interest in shooting. 
Mme. de La Rochejaquelein’ had taught her this pastime. 
They used to shoot rabbits, and to mark those which they 
had killed by cutting a bit of the ear with a little knife which 
they carried for that purpose, and putting the fragments in 
their bodices. When they returned to the chateau, these 
blood-stained trophies were counted. This always seemed 
to me disgusting. 

Mme. de La Rochejaquelein wore a costume upon these 
occasions almost entirely masculine. The Duchesse de 
Berry was delighted with this dress, and when she proposed to 
imitate it was checked by the dry answer of her lady of her 
wardrobe, the Comtesse Juste de Noailles, whom she had 
ordered to get a similar one made: 

““Madame had better apply to one of these gentlemen, as 
I do not understand trousers.” 

Neither Mme. de Noailles’? nor Mme. de Reggio*® were 
among the favourites of the Princesse. 

Gossip speedily became rife upon the conduct of the 
Duchesse de Berry, but suspicion pointed to M. de Mesnard,’ 
who was thirty years older, and whose attendance was 
determined by his post as Knight of Honour to her; the 
public, who regarded him as a kind of mentor, would not 
believe the scandals which went the round of the court. 
The royal family, however, was persuaded of the extreme 
indiscretion of the Princesse’s conduct. ‘The King was often 
heard to upbraid her with the utmost violence: these scenes 


1 Félicie de Duras married as her second husband Comte Auguste de 
La Rochejaquelein. (See second volume of these Memoirs, p. 336.) 

2 See second volume of these Memoirs, p. 178, note 3. 

* See second volume of these Memoirs, p. 223. 

Comte de Mesnard, first equerry to the Duchesse de Berry. The 
Knight of Honour was the Duc de Lévis, in conjunction with the Comte 
de Brissac. (Almanach Royal.) 


140 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


she attributed to the influence of her sister-in-law, and their 
mutual dislike constantly increased. In this way discord 
had entered thé Pavillon de Marsan, and Mme. de Gontaut 
and M. de Mesnard were struggling for the favour of the 
Princesse. ‘The latter, however, won the day, and the conse- 
quent coolness for the governess tended to estrange the 
mother from her children. 

The Duchesse de Berry troubled herself very little about 
them, and hardly ever saw them. When the Duc de Bor- 
deaux was suffering from a severe attack of measles which 
caused some anxiety, she did not think of postponing a 
journey to Rosny. The King and the Dauphine were 
displeased in consequence, and expressed their feelings 
loudly. Yet they would have been the first to blame the 
Princesse if she had asserted her rights as mother against " 
those which etiquette assigned to the governess. Every day 
the governess brought the children to the King when he 
awoke, and I do not think that the Duchesse de Berry 
received much consideration during these daily interviews. 

I have heard at various times that her numerous indis- 
cretions caused much commotion. In any case, the matter 
is unimportant; I was entirely outside of the circle where this 
- royal gossip caused disturbance, and am but the uninformed 
historian of it. 

I have never seen the Duchesse de Berry except as a sulky, 
unformed school-girl. Her misfortunes had taught her 
nothing in this respect. I remember that, at the last concert 
at her house at which I was present, some forty ladies who 
were in her salon, including myself, had stayed behind after 
the concert was over. She allowed us to stand around the 
room, spent twenty minutes in whispering and giggling with 
the Comte de Mesnard, and then, taking him under her 
wing, retired to her own rooms without addressing a single 
word to any one else. The people went away somewhat 


DUCHESSE DE BERRY 141 


vexed at the foolishness of her behaviour. I am, however, 
persuaded that her behaviour was merely that of a spoiled 
and untrained child. 

Though she often deeply displeased those who came from 
a distance to pay their respects to her, she was very greatly 
loved by her intimate friends. She was cheerful, natural, 
and of a gay and clever disposition; she was a good mistress, 
and was adored at Rosny, where her bounty was intelligently 
distributed. She also enjoyed a certain popularity among 
the middle class of Paris. Her chief merit consisted in the 
fact that she differed from the rest of the family. She was 
fond of art, liked the theatre, and gave entertainments. She 
used to walk in the streets, indulged her fancies, and went 
into shops. She paid much attention to dress, and brought 
a little movement into court life; this was sufficient to 
secure her the affection of the shopkeeping class. ‘The 
banking class liked her because she would appear in public 
and be present at every small festivity without etiquette. She 
would have been less disposed than the Dauphine to insist 
upon distinction of rank. The artists she employed, and 
whose work she appreciated with the intelligent tact of an 
Italian woman, also praised her and contributed to increase 
her popularity. 

M. de Villéle relied upon the influence of the Dauphin 
against that of the Congregation under circumstances when 
the success of the intrigues begun by the Congregation 
would probably have forestalled the catastrophe of 1830 by 
some years. ‘The Congregation wished to omit from the 
coronation oath the promise of fidelity to the Charter, on 
the pretext that this compact permitted liberty of worship. 
The King was disposed to make this restriction openly. ‘The 
Congregation party in the Council approved, and the clergy, 
led by the nuncio, urged him forward. M. de Villéle was 
under no illusions as to the consequences of such conduct, 


142 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


and applied to the Dauphin. The latter succeeded in per- 
suading his father to abandon this dangerous project, but at 
the cost of some trouble. The whole of the night preceding 
the ceremony was spent in altering and discussing the various 
forms of oath. 

M. de Villéle did not know himself which form would be 
adopted at the last moment, so stormy was the discussion 
and so great the indecision of the King. His frown was 
seen to relax when. the words expressing fidelity to the 
Charter left the royal mouth. The Dauphin had turned 
the balance. His deep and constant piety gave him some 
power with the King upon these questions, when intriguers 
had not had sufficient time to overthrow his influence. The 
interview between the father and son had immediately pre- 
ceded the ceremony, and the Jesuit counsellors were obliged 
to be content with exacting a mental restriction. ‘Though 
the satisfaction of M. de Villéle was obvious, the discontent 
of the clergy and of the leading members of the Congrega- 
tion was not concealed. The nuncio was receiving and 
returning visits of condolence before the close of the day. 

In accordance with my habits of idleness, I felt no temp- 
tation to go to Reims. Ii I had thought that the holy ampulla 
was to be used very probably for the last time in the corona- 
tion of'a most Christian king, possibly my curiosity would 
have been aroused.’ 

Notwithstanding the magnificence beneath which the 
clerical and feudal mummeries were concealed, they excited 
some comment. Charles X., in a white satin shirt, lying 
upon the ground to receive through seven openings in his 
vestment the drops of holy oil, was not regarded by the 
multitude as sanctified by the anointing of the Lord, but 
rather as a personage made ridiculous and discredited by this 
ceremony. ‘The birds released in the cathedral as a sign of 

* The coronation of Charles X. took place at Reims, May 29, 1825. 


CORONATION AT REIMS 143 


emancipation merely proved a nuisance, and no one thought 
of shouting “Noel!” On the other hand, when the King, 
magnificently dressed in the royal cloak, pronounced the 
oath from the throne, when the doors of the cathedral were 
opened with a crash, and the heralds announced to the 
people that their King was crowned, when the cheers from 
without joined the acclamations within, and answered the 
heralds with the universal cry, “Vive le Roi!” a deep im- 
pression was made upon all who were present. 

In these old ceremonies there are always some customs 
which are merely traditional, and others which invariably 
make for general impressiveness. ‘Tact is required to discern 
the difference and to make a choice. This choice the 
Emperor had been able to make. His coronation had been 
most solemn and religious, and had been accompanied by 
none of those prostrations which the Church claims and the 
spirit of the age rejects. JI am well aware that the prince 
who performs them professes to humiliate himself only before 
his Lord, but the priest seems too strongly in evidence to 
be completely left out of count in these ceremonies, the 
mystical meaning of which is hidden beneath material forms. 

Upon his return from Reims, the King made a magnificent 
entry into Paris. ‘The procession was superb. I happened 
to see it as it was returning from Notre Dame to the Tuileries. 
The King, in a coach with seven windows, was accompanied 
by his son and by the Ducs d’Orléans and de Bourbon. 
The d’Orléans Princes were in the coach of the Dauphine 
with the Duchesse de Berry. The carriages of the different 
princes followed. ‘Those of the Duc d’Orléans were both 
elegant and magnificent. Notwithstanding this pomp in 
magnificent weather, we noticed that the King was rather 
coldly received. ‘There were none of those heartfelt cheers 
which had welcomed him months before amid the discourage- 
ments of pouring rain. 


144 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


The ministers, the ambassadors, and the town of Paris 
successively gave entertainments at which the royal family 
were present, and which were said to be very beautiful and 
excellently organised. I saw none of them. I was then 
settled in the country, and was not inclined to disturb my 
habits of life for a ball. The King was fairly successful at 
the Hotel de Ville. He was marvellously well able to join 
dignity with affability, and was always gracious upon every 
occasion. With such capacities a sovereign is bound to 
please at a citizen entertainment. 


CHAPTER XII 


The Austrian Ambassador refuses to recognize the titles of the marshals 
of the Empire—Receptions at the palace—Theatrical performances 
at the Tuileries—The indemnity for the émigrés—The three per 
cents—Influence of the clerical party—Birth of Jeanne d’Osmond. 


THE court of Vienna had never consented to recognise the 
Italian or the German titles which the Emperor Napoleon 
had distributed to his generals. On the other hand, the 
court of France did not wish to order the generals to resign 
their titles, and the difficulty between the two Governments 
remained undecided, though the holders of the titles were 
not concerned. Since 1814 the Austrian Ambassador, 
Baron von Vincent, had avoided the difficulty without 
raising any disturbance. As he was unmarried, he gave no 
evening parties, and his hospitality was confined to dinners. 
He used to give verbal invitations to M. the Marshal or M. 
the Duc without adding the title. When he expected one 
of these doubtful titles he was careful to stand so near the 
door that the footman was not obliged to announce the 
name. This proceeding was so natural that the device 
was continued for a number of years without attracting 
notice. 

On the arrival of Count Apponyi' there was a vast change. 
He proposed to live in great style, and to make a brilliant 
entry into society. Notes of invitation were sent to Marshal 
Soult, to Marshal Oudinot, and to Marshal Marmont, etc. 


1 Anton Rudolf, Count Apponyi (1782-1852), by birth a Hungarian. 
He had been Ambassador at Rome and at London, and held the position 
at Paris from 1826 to 1849. 

145 


146 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


No one took offence, and everybody went. Their wives were 
more accustomed than the marshals themselves to use their 
titles exclusively. Eventually it was necessary to take notice 
of the fact that when the servants had given the title of the 
Duchesse de Dalmatie or de Reggio, the footman announced 
the Lady Marshal Soult or the Lady Marshal Oudinot. The 
fact became more marked when those ladies who had never 
used any other appellation except their title found that it 
was not accepted, and that the Duchesses de Massa and 
d’Istrie were announced as Mmes. Régnier and Bessieres. 
An explanation became necessary. 

There was a general outcry of dissatisfaction, and military 
society in a body deserted the salons of the Austrian Embassy. 
Justice to whom justice is due, and it must be said that 
people of extreme Ultra politics showed the greatest an- 
noyance at this insult to our new titles. ‘The quarrel might 
easily have been avoided, but Count Apponyi was by no 
means tactful, while the Baron de Damas, who was then 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, and as narrow-minded as he was 
exclusively emigre in opinion, could not understand why this 
incident should arouse such a disturbance. Charles X. 
showed no offence, and even insisted that the courtiers 
attached to his person should not desert the Austrian Em- 
bassy. Louis XVIII. would have resented this affront by 
political means, and therefore the court of Vienna made no 
attempt of the kind during his reign. After a great deal of 
outcry, and after a great many social dissensions and quarrels, 
the splendid balls and excellent lunches brought the greater 
part of society back to the Countess Apponyi. The position 
of the Ambassador, however, remained unpleasant. Many 
people would not go to his house, and were displeased because 
the King took no notice of the incident. | 

It was constantly asserted that the civil list was heavily 
burdened upon the death of Louis XVIII., and that M. de 


PALACE RECEPTIONS 147 


Villéle had persuaded Charles X. zealously to support his law 
for converting the three per cent. stock and the arrangement 
made with the firm of Rothschild, as this conversion offered 
some hope of supplying the deficit. These, however, were 
Opposition rumours, and it cannot be repeated sufficiently 
often that an Opposition is invariably ill-informed. No one 
who wishes to preserve an impartial mind should listen to 
Oppositions. Either they honestly espouse mistaken views, 
or tell lies in full knowledge of the fact; certain it is that 
truth is hardly ever to be found in their ranks. The fact 
remains that Charles X. canvassed for votes in support of the 
law’ so openly that I have myself seen him at work during 
a reception at the Tuileries. 

The Dauphine was anxious to enliven the court, and when 
the period of mourning for the late King was ended she 
induced Charles X. to give entertainments and receptions. 
It was announced that something of the kind would take 
place every week, but the project was soon abandoned, as the 
King, and especially the Dauphin, wearied of it. The 
Duchesse de Berry was embarrassed, and offered no encour- 
agement. The Dauphine had shocked her tastes by attempt- 
ing to attract more society about her. Seeing herself so little 
supported, she gave up the attempt, and during the latter 
years there were no more than two or three receptions in the 
winter, and no entertainments except upon such occasions as 
the visits of foreign sovereigns. 

The receptions were held in the large apartments from 
the King’s study to the Salon de la Paix. All those invited 
were bound to be in the rooms before the arrival of the 


1 The law of May 1, 1825, which converted the 5 per cent. stock into 
3 per cent., at a rate of 75 francs. Though the operation was supported 
by a syndicate of the sinking fund and the receivers-general, it was un- 
successful. The 3 per cent. stocks fluctuated, reaching 62 and rising to 
65 at the end of the year, while the 5 per cent. fell to 95 francs. 


148 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


royal family, for the doors were then shut, and it was im- 
possible to enter or leave. No difference was made between 
the rooms, although the duchesses made a show of taking 
possession of the throne-room. ‘The Princes went round the 
guests according to their rank by etiquette, and spoke to 
every one. The King then sat down to his game in the 
council-room, where the only furniture was his table, his 
arm-chair, and three seats for the other players, and these 
were usually a lady of title, an ambassador, and the marshal. 

The Dauphine sat down at a card-table in the throne- 
room; her example was followed by the Duchesse de Berry 
in the Salon de la Paix, and by the Duchesse d’Orléans in 
the blue salon. ‘These princesses invited people to join 
in their games, which were only begun as a matter of form. 
Every one followed their example and sat down at a table, 
often without touching the cards. The King himself did 
not play seriously; men and women would go round his 
table, and this process was called paying one’s respects to 
the King. The arrivals stood in front of him until he raised 
his eyes, and then made a deep bow, when he usually ad- 
dressed some words to the visitor. ‘The most zealous courtiers 
would repeat this ceremony at the tables of all the princesses. 
I cannot say what became of the Dauphin, but I think that 
he went away when the first round of the rooms was finished. 
At the end of about an hour the King gave the signal, every 
one rose, and he came back into the salons. Politeness was 
then less formal, and was addressed only to chosen individuals. 

It was upon such an occasion that I saw Charles X. going 
from deputy to deputy, and urging them by voice and gesture 
to vote as he desired. He also made a similar attempt upon 
the peers, but obviously with less carelessness and confidence. 
M. de Villéle had inspired him with a kind of jealousy of the 
peerage, which he thought unduly independent. At ten 
o’clock in the evening these assemblies, which were known as 


PALACE RECEPTIONS 149 


“‘d’Appartement,”’ and at which court dress was obligatory, 
came to an end. Court dress was also worn for theatrical 
performances. 

The Dauphine would have liked to revive the custom 
which obliged those who wished to be invited to put down 
their names, but this proved to be impossible. ‘The captains 
of the guards sent out the tickets, asking for their return if 
the recipient could not use them. Moreover, it was pos- 
sible to ask the guards for tickets, and no objection was 
taken to this course, the more so as there were rarely enough 
ladies presented at court to fill the large boxes. ‘These were 
chiefly occupied by persons who advertised their piety so far 
as to decline to enter a town theatre, although the same 
pieces were played by the same actors at the court. Their 
spiritual directors made an exception in the case of the 
theatre of the Tuileries, and authorised them to go there for 
their amusements. Young girls who were not allowed to see 
Polyeucte at the Frangais were taken with a clear conscience 
to see a doubtful vaudeville in the little boxes of the royal 
hall. In any case, the scene was brilliant, and the court 
appeared at its best on these occasions. 

Refreshments were abundant, of excellent quality, and 
were distributed in public-house tumblers and in delft 
saucers carried upon iron trays. Small details of this nature 
were entirely neglected in the King’s establishment. The 
Dauphine had no household of her own. At the house of 
the Duchesse de Berry these details were understood and 
were excellently appointed. 

M. de Villéle was driven to extremities, and could no 
longer hold out against the clamours of his society, which 
was demanding the law for the indemnity to the emigrés. 
This time the law was separated from the proposal to con- 
vert the Government stock. However, the mark of spoliation 
had been already stamped upon it, and as the revolutionary 


150 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


interests found themselves injured, they were careful that 
this stigma should remain. It would have been possible to 
give the law a national and political character, but this was 
not the intention of the party which proposed it. The 
proposers wished to produce it as a reactionary and privileged 
measure, and loudly rejected the idea of associating the 
losses caused by the law of maximum," and by the suppres- 
sion of the military endowments of the Empire, with the 
losses suffered by the emigres. 

The discussion of this law upon the indemnity reduced 
every one to disgust. The Opposition gazettes gave by name 
the list of émigres or their sons who held seats in the Chamber 
of Deputies. The total was found to coincide precisely 
with the number which voted for the several clauses, or for 
amendments which promised some advantage to themselves. 
Every sitting was employed in attempts to extract a little 
more money and in opposing the insertion of any expression 
which might indicate a definite figure. The proposers 
desired to leave the door open for further claims. Those 
who had purchased national property were overwhelmed 
with insults by the orators of the majority, and were clearly 
informed that the émigrés would not be satisfied, and were 
looking forward to further chances in their favour. Conse- 
quently the thousand millions devoted to bridging the gulf 
of revolution, to use a Government expression, merely 
widened the breach. 

Personal and party hatred grew intense, and those who 
held confiscated property were by no means reassured. 
Landed property did not increase in value. Though it was 
forbidden to state the origin of title-deeds, sale advertise- 
ments continued to advertise estates as inherited whenever 
they had not been secured by confiscation. ‘The nobility 


1 A law forbidding the sale of certain commodities above a fixed price 
during certain seasons of the year— TRANSLATOR. 


THE INDEMNITY I51 


finally lost what credit they had, and at length the emigrés 
themselves began to complain, and with good reason, for the 
largest sums fell into the hands of people who had already 
been amply recompensed by court positions and favours for 
losses which they invariably exaggerated. 

M. de Villéle in this transaction once more showed his 
powers of underhand dealing. He ear-marked a hundred 
millions for a reserve fund, which he baptised ‘“‘the common 
fund,” intended to indemnify those emigrés who might be 
found at the conclusion of the liquidation to have been too 
scantily indemnified by the ordinary course of the law. This 
common fund, which was to be distributed upon principles 
somewhat arbitrary, became the cynosure of all the emigres, 
of all the deputies, and especially of all the courtiers, and 
was in short the bond by which M. de Villéle attached all 
these people to his fortunes. 

Heaven knows how many castles in the air were built 
upon the hopes of these hundred millions which M. de 
Villéle said that he had snatched from the rapacity of claim- 
ants with the object of using them for purposes of general 
utility and of expending them in particular upon the roads, 
which had remained in a dreadful state of disrepair since 
the invasion. The fear of losing a considerable part of their 
revenue had induced almost every capitalist to place his 
funds in the hands of speculators, while the want of confidence 
in the strength of the Government made people shy of distant 
enterprises. ‘These contradictory tendencies contributed to 
raise land in Paris to an extravagant price. Everywhere 
buildings were begun the majority of which were never 
finished. ‘Those who bought land found themselves ruined, 
while many men of small private means who feared to lose a 
fifth of their revenue saw their capital vanish entirely. 

Men were not wanting to accuse the nobility and the 
privileged classes of producing these catastrophes by mort- 


152 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


gaging the national credit for a thousand millions, which 
could only be raised by reducing the income of stockholders. 
This, however, was only a platform argument, turned to 
advantage by the enemies of the Government, who found 
many openings in the bitterness of the discussions. The 
fact is that M. de Villéle had been over-persuaded by some 
rich bankers and by all those men of business who expected 
to make an immense profit: he firmly believed that his 
plan of converting the three per cents was the finest idea of 
any human brain, and was bound to make him famous to 
posterity as the greatest financier of the civilised world. 
Another consideration was not without weight with him. 
The operation of conversion was to be spread over five 
years, during which he thought that his retention of office 
was certain, while he might consolidate his power and render 
it impregnable. 

Malevolence has added that he was hoping to make a 
little money for himself. I believe that he was a com- 
paratively honest man, and that his love of money was 
as moderate as his ambition was inordinate. The three per 
cent. plan had become a mania with him, and his dominant 
idea was to make the stock rise on the Bourse. Any one 
who wished to secure his favour needed only to buy his 
stock, and many people adopted this method to secure posts 
which they would have demanded in vain by other means. 
The disastrous affairs of the indemnity of St. Domingo’ was 


‘As a result of inquiries made by the naval captain, the Baron de 
Mackau, an arrangement was concluded with the Government of Hayti. 
France recognised the independence of the island in return for an in- 
demnity of a hundred and fifty millions, which was to be paid to the 
French colonists. The Republic of Hayti was never able to meet this 
engagement. This was the outset of the well-known and disastrous 
Hayti loans. ‘The syndicate of financiers, at the head of which were the 
names of MM. de Rothschild and Laffitte, who had subscribed the loan 
and made the first advances, suffered heavy losses. 


THE THREE PER CENTS 183 


dictated merely by the desire of bulling the three per cents 
for a few days. Notwithstanding all his cares, the reaction 
soon begun. The stock fell, the land speculators went 
bankrupt, and the extent of the crash gave rise to keen anxiety. 

Throughout this time the Congregation was continually 
urging M. de Villéle to perform his promises, and found him 
more and more recalcitrant. The law affecting female 
communities had passed the Chamber of Peers with great 
difficulty, and had been amended so as formally to prohibit 
male communities. None the less, Jesuit associations were 
formed everywhere; they desired to secure the guarantee of 
a law instead of trusting to toleration. The institution 
of Saint Acheul, near Amiens, grew with extraordinary 
rapidity, and all who wished to be welcome at the Tuileries 
entrusted their sons to the Jesuits of Saint Acheul and 
their daughters to the ladies of the Sacred Heart. The 
political chiefs of the Society of Jesus had established them- 
selves in their house at Montrouge. ‘There their intrigues 
were woven, and there they maintained communications 
with their allies at court and in the town. On many occasions 
I have seen the most active of their members upon the 
Montrouge road. 

The moment when the Duc de Bordeaux was to be en- 
trusted to masculine government had been hastened. This 
was the more remarkable, as Mme. de Gontaut was giving 
him the best education that a child could receive. The 
young prince was doing admirably in her hands, but there 
was a desire that the Marquis de Riviere should be established 
at the Tuileries and should have yet easier access to the King. 
I have related at length’ how both of these men had adopted 
religious ideas at the same time and by the same path, and 
have also spoken of the kind of sympathy which this similarity 
had established between them. M. de Riviere was an honest 


1 See first volume of these Memoirs, chapter LX. 


14 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


and loyal man, but narrow-minded and ignorant: he was 
nothing but a lay Jesuit, and showed implicit obedience to 
his superiors in that order. He dragged the King into meas- 
ures which were utterly displeasing to the country, in the 
belief that he was conscientiously performing a duty. 

Public opinion was already greatly exasperated when 
M. de Montlosier’ addressed to the Chamber of Peers his 
Memoire a Consulter against the Jesuits. This work be- 
came very popular, and the voice of the old defender of 
the King and of religion, denouncing the clerical party, 
resounded loudly throughout the country. The phrase 
definitely clung to the priestly intrigues, and clericalism 
became a synonym for the policy of the Congregation and 
increased the unpopularity of those who deserved to be thus 
classified. 

The Revolution left much religion in France, but little 
consideration for its ministers, and as soon as an ecclesiastic 
attempts to add political to religious influence he loses all 
claims to consideration. He is tolerated only at church and 
at the bedside of the poor, where he is respected and revered. 
Whether it be for better or for worse, that is certainly the 
effect of the Revolution upon ourselves. The King, the 
clergy, and the emigres were no more ready to admit this 
fact than to recognise many changes which had taken place 
in their absence. In any case, the Memoire of M. de Mont- 
losier and its effect upon public feeling checked the progress 
of Jesuit claims for the moment. M. de Villéle would readily 
have clipped their wings if he had dared. 

At this time a most happy event took place in our family. 


‘ Francois Dominique de Reynaud, Comte de Montlosier (1755-1838). 
He was brought up at the Jesuit college of Clermont Ferrand, was a 
member of the States General, went into exile, and returned during the 
Consulate. He was an ardent Royalist and a peer of France under the 
July Monarchy. 


THE OSMOND CHILDREN Iss 


My sister-in-law’s health, which had always been very delicate, 
had been further impaired by three successive miscarriages, 
and we feared that she would never have children, when she 
was confined of a daughter’ on January 1, 1827, after nine 
years of married life. This long-expected and much-desired 
event caused us keen satisfaction, and I must say that the 
public seemed to share our feelings in the kindest way. The 
Dauphine displayed the greatest interest in my sister-in-law; 
she sent to make inquiries every hour, and one of her foot- 
men waited until the child was born, to bring the news to 
her. 

I remember that two days afterwards I was present at a 
great New Year’s reception at the Palais Royal, and was 
overwhelmed with congratulations, apparently sincere, from 
_every one I knew and from many that I could hardly recall. 
Possibly people were anxious upon this occasion to compen- 
sate for the burst of ill-feeling which had been shown upon 
the subject of my brother’s marriage. None of us were sorry 
that the little Jeanne was not a boy, and two years and a 
half later (June 24, 1829), our desires were completely 
satisfied by the birth of her brother, Rainulphe d’Osmond, 
for whom these “Stories of an Aunt” are intended. If he 
fulfils the promise which he shows at eight years of age, 
there is every prospect that he will become a distinguished 
man. 


1 Who married the Duc de Maillé, 


CHAPTER XIII 


Death of Emperor Alexander—The anxieties of his last years—Mission 
of the Duc de Raguse to the Emperor Nicholas—Death of Talma— 
M. de Talleyrand is assaulted by Maubreuil. 


THE Emperor Alexander had died at Taganrog of a fever, 
endemic on the shores of the Sea of Azov, to which he had 
very imprudently risked exposure.* His last years had been 
poisoned by suspicions which had reached the point of mono- 
mania and crushed the naturally generous feelings of his 
heart. 

Mme. de Narishkine had been recalled to St. Petersburg 
for the marriage of a daughter whom she had had by Alex- 
ander, and whom she passionately loved. This young per- 
son died a few days before the date fixed for the marriage. 
The Emperor was in despair, and their common grief renewed 
the intimacy between these old lovers. Mme. de Narishkine 
told me the most extraordinary details of the Emperor’s 
condition. At one time he had been the most trusting of 
men,.but latterly he not only feared for his personal safety, 
but if he heard a laugh in the street, or surprised a smile 
among his courtiers, he was persuaded that people were 
laughing at him, and would implore Mme. de Narishkine, in 
the name of their former affection, to tell him for what 
reason he excited the ridicule which pursued him everywhere. 
One evening when she had a young Polish relative with her, 
tea was served, and the Emperor hastened to pour out a cup 
for Mme. de Narishkine and then another for the young 


+n) 1825) 
156 


EMPEROR ALEXANDER 157 


lady. Mme. de Narishkine leaned towards her cousin and 
said to her: 

“When you go back to your father’s estate, you will be 
able to boast of the distinction of your tea-maker.”’ 

“Yes, indeed,” the girl replied. 

The Emperor, who was deaf, did not hear the conversa- 
tion, but saw the smile upon their faces. His own imme- 
diately grew dark, and as soon as he was alone with Mme. 
de Narishkine he said to her: 

“You see how ridicule pursues me everywhere. Even you 
who are fond of me, and on whom I can rely, cannot help 
laughing at me. Tell me what I did to provoke your 
laughter?” 

She had the utmost difficulty in soothing his diseased 
imagination. 

The Emperor trusted no one but Prince Metternich, and 
maintained an almost daily correspondence with him. ‘The 
Austrian was far deeper in his confidence than his own minis- 
ters, and the Emperor gave implicit belief in particular to 
his police reports. He constantly carried with him a little 
list sent by Prince Metternich, and containing the names ci 
every political suspect in the whole of Europe: the names 
were arranged in alphabetical order, with the reason for sus- 
picion and the amount of it attaching to each. When a 
new name was pronounced before the Emperor, he imme- 
diately consulted his list, and, if he did not find the name, 
he listened benevolently to anything that people had to 
say. If, unfortunately, the name was there, nothing could 
overcome his prejudice. Mme. de Narishkine told me 
that she had often seen him consulting these oracular 
pages. 

The last years of this prince were poisoned by these 
anxieties, possibly aggravated by intrigue, but hereditary by 
origin. In any case, his death caused much sensation and 


158 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


grief in Paris. He had shown magnanimity in 1814, and 
had been very useful to France in 1815. 

If we could have believed in all the perfections with which 
the brilliant imagination of the Duc de Raguse invested his 
brother Nicholas, on his return from the coronation at 
Moscow, public regret for the Emperor Alexander would 
not have been very prolonged. But the result proved that 
the Duc had been guilty of some slight exaggeration. He 
was always entirely convinced of the truth of his beliefs at- 
the moment, but he was prone to conceive undue enthusiasm 
for men and for other matters. He paid dearly for this 
trick of character, to which the many misfortunes of his 
career may be ascribed. 

We have already seen how his patriotic illusion induced 
him to abandon the Emperor Napoleon. After that event 
illusions of another kind had ruined him. When he returned 
to France in 1815, he’told himself that war was no longer 
a career for a Marshal of France, that a soldier of the Em- 
pire could not be a mere courtier at the Tuileries, and that 
none the less, at forty years of age, he could not endure 
to play no part in the history of the country. His habits 
made a dominant position necessary to him. He proceeded 
to inquire by what means the great figures of the Middle 
Ages had secured their position, and found that it was due 
to the influence which they exerted upon a great number of 
dependants. 

The age did not allow him to exert this influence upon 
bands of soldiers. But if a distinguished warrior could by 
means of manufacture reduce a whole province to dependence 
upon himself, not only would he make a vast income, but 
he would enjoy the only position of supremacy possible in 
modern times, and the only position which could make him 
so far independent as to be a power of importance at court. 
Full of these ideas, partly vain and partly generous, the poor 


DUC DE RAGUSE 159 


Marshal undertook to transform a little estate which he pos- 
sessed at Chatillon-sur-Seine into a vast workshop of every 
kind of manufacture. He showed enthusiasm for every 
branch of trade in succession, and brought each, at vast 
expense, to the point of success, when a new idea, adopted 
with as much zeal as the former, obliged the neglect and 
abandonment of what he had already done. He was fully 
under the illusion that his speculations would have the most 
brilliant result, but he was beginning to feel the pinch when 
he asked to be sent to Moscow. With his usual carelessness, 
he travelled in such state that the journey merely increased 
the amount of his debts instead of bringing him any advantage. 
The next year the crash came, and he was obliged to admit 
what others had long since known, that he was totally ruined. 

For my part, I was the less surprised, as I had happened 
to pass through Chatillon during his stay in Russia. I had 
visited this encyclopedic establishment in every part, includ- 
ing the sheep-fold built in three stories, of which he was 
extremely proud. The whole of the preceding winter he had - 
talked to us about his dressed sheep, which were to be a source 
of incalculable fortune. I mentioned the fact to the foreman, 
who answered with a sigh, ‘‘ Alas! madame, I will show them 
to you. ‘They are the last of the Marshal’s whims. Every 
week he sends me calculations of the profits which must result, 
and I vainly tell him that his expenditure must be wasted.” 

I found the poor animals sewn up in the skins of other 
sheep; these coverings had already fallen into rags; the 
sheep were almost stifled by the heat, and looked extremely 
ridiculous. ‘The Marshal calculated that these overcoats cost 
four francs, and would last eighteen months; the fleece would 
be sold at six or seven francs extra, and the beasts would be 
saved from any disease. The foreman’s book told a different 
tale. The sheeps’ overcoats cost seven francs, and lasted 
only a year, notwithstanding repairs, which increased the ex- 


160 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


pense of each to nine francs. The fleece could only be sold 
for forty sous more than the fleece of the unclad animals, and 
diseases were at least as frequent and more contagious. 

This instance will give an idea of the Marshal’s specula- 
tions. However, if they were all disastrous to himself, 
many of them were very profitable to the country, and so, 
though he ruined some individuals among his servants or 
friends, he was deeply regretted and very popular at Chatillon. 

He applied to the King to ask that his salary, which was 
appropriated to the payment of those creditors who held no 
mortgages upon his property, might be continued until his 
debts were paid off, even if he should die before that date. 
The King very graciously granted this favour, and showed the 
Marshal kindness which deeply touched him and prevented 
him from acting in a manner that might have been more 
useful, possibly even to the monarchy, in 1830. But we 
have not yet reached that date. 

It was during this year that Talma’ died, at the height 
of his talent. He had created several parts in plays of no 
great merit, in which he was sublime. His best was Sylla, 
Leonidas, and Charles VI.;’ in the latter he invariably 
maintained his kingly demeanor amid all the misfortunes of 
the man. I doubt if the actor’s art could be carried to a 
higher pitch; our fathers, however, assured us that Le Kain® 
was highly superior to Talma. Hitherto we have had no 
opportunity to boast of his supremacy to the new generation, 
for no one has appeared to take his place. 

Talma in France and Mrs. Siddons* in England have 
always seemed to be absolutely perfect upon the stage, 


1 Francois Joseph Talma, born at Paris in 1763, died in 1826. 

? Sylla (1821); Leonidas (1825); Charles VI. (1826). 

3 Henri Louis Cain, known as Le Kain, born at Paris in 1728, and 
died in 1778. 

* Mrs. Siddons, born in 1755 in Wales, and died in London in 1831. 


TALLEYRAND ASSAULTED 161 


because they completely identified themselves with the 
character which they represented. Both, moreover, were so 
handsome and so graceful, and their voices were so harmoni- 
ous, that their attitude was a picture as agreeable to the eye as 
their words were charming to the ear. One of my vanities, 
and who has not many, is to pride myself upon my lack of 
exclusiveness, and I should therefore be delighted to hear an 
actor or actress who could give me as much pleasure as Talma 
or Mrs. Siddons, but I doubt if any such will be found in my 
time. 

On January 21, 1827, General Pozzo and the Duc de 
Raguse came very early to my house. I had had a few 
guests to dinner, and no sooner had the last of them taken 
his leave than the Ambassador looked at the Marshal and 
said, ‘‘ Well!” ‘The Marshal hid his face in his hands and 
replied, ‘I am horrified even yet.” 

It will be understood that this beginning aroused our 
curiosity. They told us that as they were coming away 
from the expiatory ceremony at Saint Denis, the Marshal 
was following the Duc de Talleyrand through the private 
exit a few steps behind him. He saw a man come up to 
him, utter certain insults, and give him a box on the ears at 
the same time, so violent that it felled him to the ground. 
The Marshal called the guard and arrested the man, who 
turned out to be the wretched Maubreuil;’ he then picked 
up M. de Talleyrand, who was almost fainting. He helped 
to carry him into the waiting-room where Pozzo was, and it 


1 Marie Armand Guerri de Maubreuil, Marquis d’Orsvaul (1782- 
1855), officer and equerry to Jérdme Bonaparte; he was implicated in 
the theft of the Queen of Westphalia’s diamonds in 1811 (see Mémoires 
du Chancelier Pasquier, II., p. 365 ff.). He was sentenced to five years’ 
imprisonment for contumacy in 1818. He asserted that he had been the 
agent of the Prince de Talleyrand, and published several pamphlets, in- 
cluding, Exposé des motijs de ma conduite envers Talleyrand (1827). 
(See first volume of these Memoirs, p. 295.) 


162 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


was of this spectacle that both were yearning to talk. They 
had been afraid at one time that the Prince would expire in 
their arms for want of breath. Pozzo, in his picturesque 
style, gave a description of the old man with disordered 
clothes, pale, dishevelled, and dismayed, concluding a career 
so splendid in its grandeur and its guilt beneath the hand 
of a horrible maniac, in the church of God whom he had 
renounced, in an hour devoted to the King whom he had 
betrayed. There was a kind of poetical justice in this which 
struck the imagination. _ 

However, no sooner had M. de Talleyrand recovered his 
senses than he understood the capital which malevolence 
might make out of this cruel scene. Before coming to my 
house my visitors had stopped at his door. Contrary to 
their expectation, they had found the doors wide open. ‘The 
Prince, surrounded with people, was lying in an arm-chair in 
his study, which was darkened, with a bandage over his face. 
He said that Maubreuil had attempted to assassinate him, 
that he had struck him on the top of the head and had made a 
wound which had required treatment. With his usual im- 
perturbability, he calmly told this story before the eye-witnesses 
of the scene. ‘‘He knocked me on the head like a bullock,” 
he repeated every moment, raising his clenched fist to his 
forehead; he made no reference to the rest of his face, 
although at Saint Denis only his lips were bleeding. The 
eye-witnesses of the scene understood that the Prince pre- 
ferred rather to be knocked on the head than to have his 
ears boxed, and that a blow with the fist was less objectionable 
than a blow with the open hand. They supported him in 
this innocent pretence, which, however, was soon generally 
suspected; but there is a kind of public shame which protects 
to a certain extent men who have been public characters, and 
no one had the courage to describe Maubreuil’s act literally. 

M. de Talleyrand was a long time in recovering from this 


TALLEYRAND ASSAULTED 163 


assault, and his sense of propriety, which he could never lay 
aside, was wounded to its depths. He made a show of 
receiving all those who came to call. As soon as he was 
presentable he reappeared at court with a great piece of 
court-plaster on his forehead, continually repeating, “He 
knocked me on the head like a bullock.” But he left Paris 
as soon as he could do so without any appearance of flight, 
and spent almost every following year in the country with 
Mme. de Dino. He was also afraid that he might meet 
Maubreuil again, who had been condemned to some months 
of imprisonment, but had announced his intention of re- 
peating his crime, which he called by its proper name, as 
soon as he was liberated. I never heard any more of him. 
Possibly M. de Talleyrand secured his removal for a sum of 
money. 


CHAPTER XIV 


The law upon the right of primogeniture—Funeral of the Duc de Lian- 
court—Disbanding of the National Guard—Sosthéne de La Roche- 
foucauld and M. de Villéle—Prince Metternich at Paris—The King 
at the camp of Saint Omer—Projects of the Ultra party—Wisdom 

-of the Dauphin. 


THE fatal instinct which seemed to urge the House of 
Bourbon to undertake that which would most certainly 
alienate the masses dictated the proposal of the law upon 
the right of primogeniture. I admit that the proposal 
pleased my English ideas and my aristocratic tastes, but it 
was not my business to find out whether the country was 
prepared to accept it. It was defeated by the wisdom of 
the Chamber of Peers, which thus increased its great popu- 
larity and also increased its disfavour at the court. The 
attitude of this Chamber upon the occasion of the funeral 
of the Duc de Liancourt intensified these respective im- 
pressions. 

Several funerals, including that of M. Manuel, had for 
some time been the occasions of demonstrations hostile to 
the Government. Consequently new ordinances had been 
published regarding funeral processions, and bearers for 
coffins were forbidden. ‘The Duc de Liancourt, who was the 
patron of a number of charitable institutions, had an enor- 
mous following among the working class... They wished 

‘The pupils of the School of Arts and Crafts at Chalons, founded by 
the Duc de La Rochefoucauld Liancourt, had desired, in accordance 
with common custom, to bear his coffin in token of their gratitude. The 
procession passed from the house to the church without incident. As 


they left the church a commissary intervened, at the order of the Prefect 
164 


THE NATIONAL GUARD 165 


to show their gratitude to their patron by carrying the 
coffin out of the church. The police offered strong opposi- 
tion; a quarrel began, and was inflamed by party spirit. In 
the confusion the coffin was dropped and, it is said, was 
broken. In any case, there was a great scandal and a sight 
both distressing and wounding to the family. The whole 
of the peerage regarded the affair as an insult, and demanded 
explanations. This incident further strengthened the alliance 
which was being formed between the country and the Cham- 
ber of Peers. 

The evil genius which watched over the fate of the elder 
branch, with the aid of the spirits of anger and haste, inspired 
a resolution, the full effect of which was realised by few, 
but which contributed more than any other to bring about 
the overthrow of the old throne, a catastrophe which was 
concluded within a few hours three years afterwards. 

In the spring of 1827 the Parisian middle class seemed 
so hostile to the Government that some hesitation was felt 
in mobilising the National Guard and reviewing them before 
the King.* After long deliberations, it was determined to 
hold the review, and the King went to the Champ de Mars. 
Upon the whole, he met with a better reception than was 
expected. A national guard shouted, ‘Down with the 
Ministers!” whereupon the King pulled up his horse and 
said in a calm and dignified tone, ‘‘I have come to receive 
your respects and not your advice. Bring that man out of 
the ranks.” This decision was loudly applauded, as is 


of Police, M. Lavau, because the young men were not provided with a 
proper authorisation to act as bearers. The result was a regrettable 
scene of disorder, and a sensation was caused in the capital which was 
turned to account by the Liberal Opposition with a cleverness which 
directed all the acts of that age, which was known after 1830 as the 
“fifteen years’ comedy.” 

1 This review took place every year in the month of April, to celebrate 
the anniversary of the return of the Bourbon family to Paris in 1814. 


166 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


anything which announces energy and strength of will in the 
leader of an empire, and the air was rent with cries of “ Long 
live the King!’ When he dismounted at the Tuileries, 
Charles X. seemed well pleased with the events of the morn- 
ing. He requested Marshal Oudinot to draw up an order 
of the day in which, while expressing his displeasure at 
certain isolated cries which he had heard as he passed, he 
none the less complimented the immense majority of the 
National Guard upon their smart appearance and excellent 
behaviour. The King twice repeated, “Say that I am 
very pleased.””> ‘The Dauphin spoke to the same effect. 
Every one who was upon the staff had received the same 
impression, and said so throughout the town. I saw several 
members during the evening, and the general remark was 
that the review had been superb and that the King’s reception 
was perfect. 

However, the carriage of the Princesses had been con- 
tinually followed by a band of people who behaved very 
badly, uttering remarks and almost hooting them. The 
respective political parties accused one another of organising 
this hostile demonstration. In the evening the Duchesse de 
Berry said what she thought of it in no measured terms. 
When the King and Madame reached her house, where the 
court was being held, she complained to Charles X. The 
Dauphine, who was questioned in her turn, replied with her 
usual dryness that it had been bad enough, and she was 
. thankful that it was no worse. The King played one rubber 
of whist and went home, where M. de Villéle was waiting 
for him. During the night Marshal Oudinot was aroused. 
Instead of the order of the day which had been drawn up in 
accordance with the King’s instructions and submitted to his 
approval, his Majesty sent the Marshal an ordinance abolish- 
ing the National Guard. 

At the same moment the royal guard seized the guard- 


THE GUARD DISBANDED 167 


room of the National Guard, drove out the citizens who were 
there, and went so far as to throw the arms and the property 
of the absent guards out of the door. ‘This insult sowed the 
seeds of hatred in the heart of the Parisian populace, the 
fruit of which ripened in 1830. The provocation had been 
as follows. One of the legions when returning from the 
Champ de Mars, had stopped before the Exchequer and 
shouted, “‘ Down with Villele!” and ‘‘ Down with the Jesuits!” 
and had broken a few windows. It must be admitted that 
this conduct was entirely guilty on the part of a regiment 
under arms, and the minister was the more exasperated as he 
learnt at the same time that the King was satisfied with his 
own reception. Now it did not suit him that their interests 
should be separated. He hastily collected and exaggerated 
all the reports which he could secure of the observations and 
shouts uttered on the Champ de Mars, and wrote asking 
the King to decide nothing before giving him an audience. 
The mind of Charles X. had been already prepared by the 
complaints of the Duchesse de Berry and the discontent of 
his sister-in-law, and in a few moments M. de Villéle carried 
away with him the most fatal ordinance which could have 
been proposed. 

Louis XVI. had lost his throne through his desire to be 
rid of the possible opposition of the old parliaments; Charles 
X. overturned his by refusing to admit the existence of any 
legal barrier, forgetting the happy phrase of M. de Talley- 
rand, ‘“‘Only a body which offers resistance can provide 
support.” In any case, I am inclined to think that the 
minister, who was all-powerful at this time, had not foreseen 
the effect of his dangerous advice. 

The National Guard had become sluggish, as usual when- 
ever its services were not necessary, and showed but little 
inclination to perform duty in the guard-rooms. But this 
gratuitous insult aroused its zeal. I was having some work 


168 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


done at Chatenay, and had made an appointment with some 
Parisian workmen for the day following the review. I had 
gone away without seeing the Monitewr, and under the im- 
pression that the review had passed off very well. The men 
whom I was expecting arrived late and in a state of incredible 
exasperation at the news. All were members of the National 
Guard and all were furious. They would barely listen to 
the orders which I had to give, and when I spoke to them of 
panels they replied with references to bayonets. After a 
vain attempt to calm them by a mention of the wearisome 
nature of sentry duty, I gave up trying to fix their attention 
and allowed them to go back to their districts, and they 
went off, after infecting the whole of the village with their 
anger. 

I myself hastened to Paris to discover the reasons for so 
singular a change. There were no other motives discoverable 
beyond those which I have already related. At the same 
time, I am inclined to think that M. de Villéle must have 
had some ulterior motives for so violent a measure. In any 
case, he was ever afterwards the pet aversion of the Parisian 
populace and soon of the whole of France. The Duc de 
Doudeauville, Minister of the King’s House, understood more 
clearly than the other ministers the general trend of events, 
and resigned when the National Guard was abolished. 

I cannot say whether it was before or after these events 
that I should place a step taken by Sosthéne de La Roche- 
foucauld; my information is derived from himself, and I 
cannot refrain from repeating it. I have already spoken 
of his position midway between M. de Villéle and Mme. du 
Cayla. There is no doubt that he had brought M. de 
Villéle to power, and had supported him by the influence of 
the favourite as long as Louis XVIII. was alive. After his 
death M. de Villéle had thrown off this patronage, which he 
felt to be a burden. None the less, the intimacy between the 


SOSTHENE DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULD | 169 


two men had been so great that much of their familiarity 
remained unbroken. 

Sosthéne took advantage of these relations to make his 
way one morning to the study of M. de Villéle. After a few 
compliments he reminded him of the patriotic sentiments 
which he had expressed when he was seeking office: he had 
then declared that he wished to act solely in the interests of 
the country because public opinion called him to power. 
He proceeded to inform him that public opinion was now 
strongly opposed to his administration. He said that as he 
had better opportunities than any one else, through his con- 
nection with several classes of society, to realise the fact, he 
had come to inform the minister of his discovery. It was 
obvious to him that M. de Villéle could no longer act bene- 
ficially even if he would; and as he had only given him 
the post with the object of being useful to the King and the 
country, he had now come to request him, in the name of 
friendship, honour, and gratitude, to compromise him no 
longer by retaining his office. 

The effect of this harangue upon M. de Villéle, who was 
then all-powerful, may easily be imagined. He had a 
moment’s uneasiness, fearing that M. de La Rochefoucauld 
might be an emissary from Charles X., whose azde-de-camp 
he was, and who sometimes showed him favour. But the 
nature of this communication speedily reassured him. He 
replied to Sosthéne in such terms that the two men parted 
in anger, much to the pleasure and delight of M. de Villele, 
who then went to give an account of this scene to the King. 
The latter, who had no pleasant recollection of the intrigues 
that had been set on foot during the last years of his brother’s 
reign through the agency of Sosthéne, promptly broke off 
the connection to which he had been forced to admit him, 
and gave him every mark of his displeasure. 

I have repeated this anecdote, the accuracy of which I can 


170 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


guarantee, because the half ridiculous and half historical 
figure of Sostheéne never appears in the memoirs of the 
time; and it is curious to observe how, throughout a life 
entirely devoted to intrigue, he had none the less retained 
a kind of chivalrous loyalty which reached the point of 
stupidity. 

Mme. du Cayla, whose actions were less straightforward, 
quarrelled with no one. She had been unable to secure the 
title of duchess as the late King desired, because M. du Cayla 
had obstinately refused to be made a duke. Charles X. 
gave her the right to enter the throne-room and a large 
pension. ‘The Dauphine, who treated her with the utmost 
coldness while she was in favour, now became very gracious 
to her, out of gratitude for the service she had performed in 
inducing Louis XVIII. to fulfil his religious duties at the 
moment of his death. 

The hopes of the Ultra party had been encouraged by the 
behaviour and speeches of Prince Metternich during a visit 
which he made to Paris. ‘The court overwhelmed him with 
distinctions. He was invited to dinner with the royal 
family at the Tuileries, an honour which had been conferred 
only upon the Duke of Wellington and the princes of reign- 
ing families. In the opinion of the kings of France no 
higher favour could be granted, and they were astonished at 
their own generosity. 

The Congregation attempted to spread reports of miracu- 
lous events, and several were stated to have occurred: among 
others, a cross of light had been seen at Migné in Poitou. 
However, the Court of Rome issued a prohibition, and it 
was necessary to abandon this kind of deception, which was 
likely to arouse undue ridicule in the nineteenth century. 
Even the King would not recognise the hand of Providence 
in these events. In any case, he was so well disposed to the 
Congregation that it was unnecessary to stimulate his present 


PROJECTS OF THE ULTRA PARTY ix 


zeal. His action had been checked only by his fear of the 
obstacles which he might encounter. 

The reception with which he met at the camp of Saint 
Omer, where the troops received him with the keenest satis- 
faction, together with the devotion displayed upon his 
journey even at Lille, a town noted for its disaffection, 
were some compensation for the silence which surrounded 
him at Paris. He therefore thought that he might realise 
his own hopes by performing the promises which he had 
continually made. M. de Villéle had delayed this per- 
formance for a long time. But his influence had been 
undermined by people whose power daily increased through 
the anxiety of Charles X. not to endanger his safety in this 
world and the next. 

The King and his friends demanded restitution of the 
property of the clergy and recognition for the monastic 
orders. ‘They wished these orders to be endowed by the 
State, and to be made territorial owners. M. de Villéle 
would by no means consider these desires as within the sphere 
of practical politics. But he was anxious to secure a long 
tenure of office for himself, and these two eccentric parties 
agreed upon the necessity of a new legislature. 

The Ultra party, deluded as it was, had no doubt that 
the new legislature would be of their way of thinking. On 
his side, M. de Villéle trusted to his dexterity to secure 
deputies devoted to himself. He would willingly have -par- 
doned them for any opposition shown to the claims of ex- 
tremists on behalf of the throne and the altar, with which 
he was continually bombarded, but which he dared not dis- 
regard, as he felt that the King’s favour and his own influence 
were steadily diminishing. The Chamber of Peers was 
clearly hostile, and the minister agreed with the keepers of the 
King’s conscience that a large batch of peers must be created, 
to change the temper of the existing majority. By this 


172 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


measure, in addition to a new election, M. de Villéle hoped 
to guarantee his ministerial position for a long time to 
come. 

The Dauphin held aloof from these intrigues. While 
respectfully submissive to the King’s orders, he showed no 
hostility and also no favour to his minister. He confined 
himself to performing as well as he could those tasks which 
were specially entrusted to him. He was at the head of the 
prison administration, and sometimes held meetings, at which 
the affairs of these establishments were discussed before him. 
He was a firm and wise president, and was ever ready to 
express lofty and liberal views. I have often seen people 
leave these meetings delighted with the Dauphin, and may 
quote the names of M. Pasquier and M. Portal, whose good 
opinion was well worth having. During this period the 
Dauphin used to hold a military council, where his attitude 
met with great approval. It was admitted that his ideas 
were sound, and were accompanied with a moderation and an 
impartiality most creditable in a prince whose position was 
so isolated and whose conscientiousness was so obvious. 

The Dauphine, though she had no love for the priests, 
was more under the influence of those about her. The 
Duchesse de Berry disliked M. de Villéle because he did not 
perform with sufficient celerity and violence all the extrava- 
gant projects of which she and her little coterie of Ultra 
nobles were dreaming. She was, however, too unstable and 
too deeply occupied in her amusements to work seriously 
against him, and confined herself to the utterance of sarcasms 
which now raised a smile upon the lips of the King where a 
few months earlier they would have provoked a reprimand. 


CHAPTER XV 


The battle of Navarino—The elections of 1827—The society known as 
“God helps those who help themselves”—Intrigues of the Ultra 
party—The fall of M. de Villéle—Visit of Dom Miguel to Paris— | 
The Martignac Ministry—Disappointment of M. de Chateaubriand 
—He accepts the Embassy at Rome—Fresh intrigue of M. de Po- 
lignac—Strange freak of nature. 


I HAVE not spoken of affairs in Greece from an historical 
point of view, because I do not propose to write history, but I 
cannot pass over in silence their effect upon society. It was 
admitted that every one in opposition to the court was a 
Philhellene, and that the Government was working against 
the Greeks, though professing to befriend them. ‘The Con- 
gregation infinitely preferred the Turks to the Greek heretics, 
for the former at least believed in absolutism. ‘The success 
of the battle of Navarino'’ thus produced no special pleasure 
at the Tuileries, though its inmates did not venture to receive 
the news with as much disapprobation as at London. 

Upon this subject I feel bound to note the pitch to which 
patriotic instincts are pushed in England. England thought 
that the emancipation’ of the Spanish colonies was desirable 
in the interests of British commerce, and feared that the 
emancipation of the Greeks would merely increase the im- 
portance of Russia. The newspapers, public meetings, and 
the sessions of the Houses of Parliament re-echoed with the 
cruelties and the harassing intolerance exerted upon the 


2A naval victory gained by the combined fleets of France, England, 
and Russia against the Turko-Egyptian fleet. Vice-admiral de Rigny, 
nephew of Baron Louis, was in command of the French force. 


173 


174 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Spanish-Americans, though everybody knows that they re- 
ceived better treatment than any colonists before or since. 
On the other hand, that kind of Freemasonry which invariably 
guides the English entirely changed these sentiments when 
the special interests of Old England were at stake and when 
the massacres of Parga, of Hydra, and of Chio were discussed. 
All these Christian women, torn from their families and sold — 
in the markets of Smyrna, did not rouse a cry in any single 
newspaper, while not a sigh was uttered by any member of 
the Opposition. Although the national vanity is so: easily 
excited by naval success, the Ministry, in the speech from 
the throne, felt bound to characterise the victory of Navarino 
as “untoward.” Very different was the impression among 
ourselves, and as this ‘‘untoward” victory caused great 
delight throughout a large part of the country, M. de Villéle 
proposed to profit by the popularity which was reflected 
upon the Government to carry out his resolution to dissolve 
the Chamber of Deputies. 

The dissolution was announced, and the elections were 
fixed for the nearest possible date. In this way the minister 
hoped to avoid the manceuvres of those who were hostile to 
him in the two Oppositions. In justice to him it must be 
said that he now represented the “golden mean,” and all 
the extremists of the Ultra party were his enemies. The 
censorship was suspended by law before the elections. I 
cannot remember at what date it had been re-established.” 
It was so unpopular that even honourable people who had 
undertaken the duties of censor found themselves social 
outcasts; moreover, very little advantage was gained, and 


1 Ordinance of November 5, 1827, convoking the colleges of the arron- 
dissements for the 17th and those of the departments for the 24th. 

*’'The censorship had been re-established two days after the close of 
the preceding session, on June 24, 1827. It was suppressed by an ordi- 
nance of November 5. . 


ELECTIONS OF 1827 175 


never was the Italian proverb, “Fatta la legge trovato 
Vinganno,”’ more completely justified. 

A society of political writers, with M. de Chateaubriand 
at their head, were able to publish and circulate pamphlets 
of sufficient size and sold with sufficient irregularity to 
escape the censorship which hampered the newspapers and 
the periodical reviews. Such pamphlets rained about us, and 
there was a general rush for them. M. de Salvandy dis- 
tinguished himself in this pamphlet war, while M. Guizot 
was an important figure. But it was in the organisation of 
the electoral manceuvres that the latter became the leader. 

The obvious precaution of hurrying on the elections 
aroused great exasperation. Ifa Government wishes to catch 
the masses, its action must be so delicate as to be perceived 
only by a few people at a time, and the impression of some 
must be worn out before others have conceived the same 
ideas. When, however, the trap is so clumsy as to be 
universally visible at one moment, a Government may be 
certain that it has raised an enormous obstacle to its designs. 
With electrical speed a society was formed in each arron- 
dissement to guard the exercise of electoral rights. The 
fraudulent measures used at the last elections by the ad- 
ministration of M. de Villéle, upon the renewal of which he 
was counting, now became impracticable. 

These associations. were composed of large landowners, 
men of letters, lawyers, and politicians, who displayed the 
utmost zeal and activity. Without overstepping the bounds 
of law, they formed committees in correspondence with one 
another, and especially with the central committee at Paris, 
where M. Guizot directed the whole organisation. This was 
the origin of the society, “God helps those who help them- 
selves,” which played a definite part in the overthrow of the 
monarchy and eventually became the home of political 
faction. It is the fate of weapons forged by oppositions to 


176 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


fall from the hands which have created them and be seized 
by more dangerous combatants. 

While general excitement prevailed over the business of 
the elections, the nomination of seventy-six peers was en- 
trusted to: the clerical party... They were chosen almost 
exclusively from among the most active members of the 
Congregation.” Every one has seen the list drawn up at the 
house of M. de Riviére, carried about by M. de Rougé,’ 
corrected by the faithful, and forced upon M. de Villéle, 
who would have preferred another selection, but adopted the 
idea of a nomination sufficiently numerous to destroy the 
dominant tendency of the upper chamber. ‘This was pre- 
cisely the point which disgusted the country, for the wisdom 
of the peers had recently protected it from the aggressions 
of clerical despotism. At this moment advantage was 
taken of the clause cleverly introduced into the July law 
concerning the rectification of the electoral lists to escape 
the frauds committed in 1824. 

The Chamber was thus very popular, and this outrage 
upon it exasperated public opinion, which had been accus- 
tomed to look to it for protection, and feeling upon the 
subject ran higher than M. de Villéle had foreseen. On this 
point I can remember a conversation which*was repeated to 


1 Ordinance of November 5, 1827. 

*A comparison of the list of the new peers with the list of the members 
of the Congregation published by M. de Grandmaison, shows the fol- 
lowing names upon the two lists: Mgr. de Montplanc, the Archbishop of 
Tours, .Mgr. de Pins, the Bishop of Lyons, MM. de Lévis-Mirepoix, de 
Panisse, de Gourgues, de Causans, de Croy, de Montmorency, and de 
Civrac. In the case of the last seven it is by no means certain that 
identity of name implies identity*of person. 

* The Marquis de Rougé does not appear in the list of the members of 
the Congregation published by M. Grandmaison. But he was a Roy- 
alist and possessed well-merited influence. He was a peer of France, 
and lieutenant-colonel (ranking as colonel) of the Cent Suisses, of which 
body the Duc de Mortemart, lieutenant-general, was colonel. 


ELECTIONS OF 1827 177 


me at the time of its utterance by one who heard it. The 
President of the Council, as he was descending the staircase 
of the Navy Ministry, met the sub-prefect of Saint Denis, 
who was going up. 

“Well, Prefect; you are sure of your election, I suppose ?”’ 

No, sir:” 

“But you told M. de Corbiére that you were certain 
of it.” 

“Yes, sir; but that was before the nomination of the 
peers.” 

“Nonsense, my good man, you are laughing at me; how 
can the nomination of the peers affect you rag and bone 
men? See that your election is conducted properly. When 
the elections go wrong, it is always the fault of the adminis- 
tration. Remember that.” 

The sub-prefect shrugged his shoulders when the minister 
had gone, and slowly went up the stairs, as though he had 
by no means been persuaded by the choice eloquence of his 
superior. Many electors shared the prejudices of those of 
Saint Denis, and under the zealous provocation of the com- 
mittee, which I have mentioned, returned so large a number 
of deputies hostile to the Ministry that the majority was at 
least doubtful. 

With the very natural desire to throw the blame upon 
others for the ill-success of his attempts, M. de Villéle was 
unable to refrain from accusing the Congregation, and 
displayed much ill-feeling against it. He attempted to 
gather to his side the little nucleus of Ultra aristocrats which 
had remained aloof from the Jesuit league, but here he met 
with a repulse. He then made overtures to the Consti- 
tutional Royalists who had guided the Chamber of Peers for 
three years, but they were too exasperated by the measure 
which had recently disturbed this assembly to give their 
support to the man who had signed it. 


178 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


These efforts of the President could not be concealed from 
the Congregation, and his overthrow was determined. M. de 
Polignac was summoned from England, and the Duc de 
Riviére finally induced the King to dismiss M. de Villéle. 
These gentlemen had no doubt that the moment of their 
triumph had arrived. However, M. de Villéle, who feared 
the influence of Jules de Polignac, had, with the help of his 
own despatches and of his general attitude towards all 
business, so discredited him with the King, and shown him 
so utterly incapable and stupid, that the monarch hesitated, 
and finally shrank from the idea of forming a Ministry under 
this name. M. de Polignac made a speech confessing his 
constitutional faith in the tribune of the Chamber of Peers, 
and, with a most absurd oratorical display, informed France 
that his children were using the Charter as a reading-book.’ 
He went out of his way to make overtures to men who may 
be said to represent the country, as the country invariably 
had recourse to them in every crisis. None the less he failed, 
and the fall of the monarchy was postponed. The Mar- 
tignac’ Ministry was appointed under the patronage of the 
Dauphin. M. de Polignac returned to his London post in a 
fury, but did not abandon the intrigues which the clerical 
party was spinning. ‘The poor Duc de Riviere, a more loyal 


1 The speech to which Mme. de Boigne alludes was not delivered until 
February 5, 1829, upon another occasion when the Prince de Polignac 
visited Paris. 

? Ministry of January 4, 1828: M. de Martignac, Minister of the In- 
terior; M. Roy, of Finance; M. Portalis, of Justice; M. de La Ferron- 
nays, of Foreign Affairs; M. de Caux, of War; M. de Saint Criq, of 
Commerce and Manufacture; M. de Chabrol, Naval Minister; and 
M. de Frayssinous, Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs. On February to, 
M. de Vatimenil was appointed Minister of Education, a post separated 
from the Ministry of Ecclesiastical Affairs. On March 3, MM. de 
Frayssinous and de Chabrol retired, and were replaced by Mgr. Fentrier, 
Bishop of Beauvais, and M. Hyde de Neuville. The Duc d’Angouléme 
was the leading influence in the Ministry of War. 


VISIT OF DOM MIGUEL ~ 179 


character, who was ill, was deeply affected by the failure of 
his efforts, when he found the sole result of all his labour to 
be one that he regarded as the abomination of desolation; 
his illness consequently increased, and he died a few weeks 
later, bitterly reproaching himself for his share in the over- 
throw of M. de Villéle. 

It was at the height of these ministerial disturbances that 
Dom Miguel,’ already notorious for his violence to his 
family, came back through Paris from Vienna on his way to 
Lisbon, where he was to govern in the name of his fiancee, 
the little Queen Dona Maria. He had been reconciled to 
Dom Pedro, and recognised by the European Powers as the 
husband of the Queen of Portugal. He was received at our 
court with the honour which had been refused upon his 
earlier visit, when he had left no recollection behind him 
except that of a scene with the Ambassador of the King, 


1Dom Miguel, second son of Joao VI. (1767-1826) and of Charlotte 
of Spain (1775-1830), daughter of Charles VI. He was born in 1802, 
and had followed the royal family from Portugal to Brazil at the time of 
the French occupation. Supported by his mother and the absolution- 
ists, Dom Miguel rose against his father and the Constitutional Charter 
given to Portugal in 1822. He was obliged to take refuge in Vienna, 
and passed through Paris in 1824. On the death of Joao VI. in 1826, 
Dom Pedro of Alcantara (1798-1834), his eldest son, Emperor of Brazil 
as Pedro I. since 1822, and legitimate King of Portugal as Pedro IV., 
approved of the Constitution and abdicated in favour of his daughter, 
Dona Maria da Gloria (1819-1853). She was proclaimed Queen as 
Maria II. Her aunt Isabella Maria, daughter of Joao VI., was Regent. 
Although Dom Miguel had recognised his brother and had agreed to 
marry Dona Maria, his niece, he revolted again against the Regency. 
He succeeded in dethroning his niece, and reigned as an absolute mon- 
arch from 1828 to 1834, after abolishing the Constitution. In 1831, 
Dom Pedro abdicated the crown of Brazil in favour of his son Dom 
Pedro II. (1825-1891), and came to fight against his brother. After 
three years of struggle with the support of Europe, he re-established the 
constitutional throne of Dona Maria. Dom Miguel was obliged to 
capitulate at Evora in May, 1834; he renounced his claims to the throne, 
accepted a pension, and undertook not to reappear in Portugal. He 
died in 1866. 


180 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


his father, the Marquis of Marialva;! he had attempted to 
extort money from the Ambassador, and had used such 
threats that the poor Marquis was obliged to escape and 
summon help against the madman who was pursuing him, 
knife in hand. Already in feeble health, he had never 
recovered from the violence of his alarm. 

Though this specimen of his character was by no means 
attractive, it made me curious to see Dom Miguel, who was 
said to have been reformed by the good advice of Prince 
Metternich. A theatrical performance was given in the 
Tuileries in his honour, and I readily took advantage of an 
invitation. Instead of the gloomy tyrant whom I had 
expected, I saw a young man enter with the royal family, 
with a charming face, a noble and distinguished air, a gentle 
smile, a keen and self-possessed glance, and graceful bearing. 
Seated between the Dauphine and the Duchesse de Berry, he 
conversed with easy courtesy. In one word, he did not 
in the least resemble the kind of wild beast which I had 
expected to see at this performance. 

The next Sunday there was a gathering held by the Duchesse 
de Berry, to which I was invited. There again Dom Miguel 
showed himself both a gracious prince and a genial guest. 
He spoke to almost all the ladies. Curiosity brought us 
around him, and as we were standing by him one of his 
aides-de-camp mentioned the name to him of a Portuguese 
who wished to be introduced. He suddenly wheeled round, 
stepped back, and gave the man a look which made us recoil. 
The tiger had come to the surface. In an indescribable 
manner, within less than a second, his handsome face had 
been suddenly distorted and had become hideous in ap- 
pearance. It was some time before his features recovered 


1 Dom Pedro Vito Marialva y Menezes, Marquis of Marialva (1765- 
1823), minister at Paris from 1820 to 1823. In 1823 he was replaced by 
the Chevalier de Brito. 


MONSIEUR DE CHATEAUBRIAND 181 


their serenity. The azde-de-camp remained as though rooted 
to the spot where he had pronounced his unfortunate words. 
This was the extent of my connection with this prince, but 
the glance which I had surprised upon that occasion enabled 
me to understand the stories of his insane cruelty. Certainly 
there was something of the madman in that look. 

These observations upon change of feature bring me to 
the state in which I found M. de Chateaubriand the day 
after the names of the new ministers had appeared in the 
Moniteur. He had taken an active part in the overthrow of 
M. de Villéle, and he thought that he could not only satisfy 
his animosity, but also pave the way which would lead 
him back to the Foreign Office, from which he had been 
so brutally driven, and which he was anxious to re-enter 
by right of conquest. He thought that he was indispensable 
to the formation of a constitutional Ministry. During the 
negotiations which had preceded the appointment he had 
always regarded himself as President of the Council, and had 
confined himself to discussing the names of his colleagues. 
He had chosen M. Royer Collard as Minister of the Interior, 
and it was not a bad choice from a parliamentary point of 
view. 

M. Royer Collard was as Liberal as a Royalist could be. 
Both his Royalism and his Liberalism were genuine, which 
facts had gained him a great majority of votes in seven 
electoral colleges. As regards his capacity for government, 
every one who was intimate with him knew that he was by no 
means a practical man, and that he would raise continual 
obstacles in a council. Charles X. had therefore some 
reason to oppose a choice which would, none the less, have 
been popular. 

M. de Chateaubriand had said that M. Royer Collard 
seemed to him indispensable, and his remark was interpreted 
to mean that he would not join the Ministry without him. 


182 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


At this moment M. de La Ferronnays was urged to accept 
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He consented; and while 
MM. de Chateaubriand and Royer Collard, regarding them- 
selves as indispensable, were confidently awaiting humble 
requests for their help, they read in the Monzteur that the 
Ministry which they had thought impossible had been formed 
and composed of men to whom they had pointed as members 
of their party. I cannot say what the effect was upon M. 
Royer Collard, but M. de Chateaubriand was so furious that 
he nearly choked with rage: it was necessary to place leeches 
round his neck, and others on his temples when these proved 
inadequate. ‘The next day his bile had gone into the blood, 
and he was as green as a lizard. His agitation, however, 
did not allow him to remain at home, and I met him at 
a house where he had gone to walk off his uneasiness.. The 
marks left by the leeches allowed him to explain his changed 
appearance as due to illness. 

I have rarely seen a sadder sight than that of this man, 
whose capacities were admittedly extraordinary, and whose 
profound indifference for anything that did not wound his 
pride seemed highly good-natured; it was pitiable to see him 
so crushed and shattered by disappointed ambition. If he 
had been able to attack the new Ministry with the same 
vigour as the preceding Government, his vexation would 
have been less bitter. But he understood that all his offensive 
weapons were blunted, if not broken, and felt himself com- 
pletely tricked. 

Hyde de Neuville," whom he had himself nominated, and 
who owed all his importance to him, had been summoned by 

1’ Baron Hyde de Neuville (Jean Guillaume, 1776-1857). He was a 
member of the Undiscoverable Chamber in 1815, French Minister to the 
United States from 1816 to 1821, Minister in Portugal (June 10, 1823), 
where he supported King Joao VI. in his struggle against his son Dom 


Miguel. He was Naval Minister on March 3, 1828, and retired into 
private life under the July Monarchy. 


Lat] 


MONSIEUR DE CHATEAUBRIAND 183 


him and treated haughtily for consenting to accept the post 
of Naval Minister. The minister only secured pardon by 
promising to hamper business so far as to render a change 
necessary which should bring M. de Chateaubriand back to 
the scene which his ambition desired. Whatever the King’s 
vexations may have been at the choice which necessity forced 
upon him, he was somewhat consoled by the thought that 
M. de Chateaubriand at least had been excluded. Though 
he was by no means fond of M. de La Ferronnays, he much 
preferred him as a minister. 

Of all the ministers, the Minister of Foreign Affairs is in 
the most immediate connection with the sovereign. His 
business obliges him to deal with the points of friction which 
become the subject of intimate conversations and royal 
gossip. Hence he must be a man capable of understanding 
and sympathising with the little susceptibilities, the prefer- 
ences and dislikes, of kings. From this point of view M. 
de La Ferronnays was an excellent choice. The Princes, 
however, had never been able to pardon him for his rupture 
with the Duc de Berry, and the consequence was a leaven of 
discontent which produced ferment upon every possible 
occasion. The Dauphin retained so strong an irritation 
that as soon as M. de La Ferronnays had been called in the 
favour he had shown to the new Ministry considerably 
diminished. 

Every one felt that it was necessary to secure the neutrality 
of M. de Chateaubriand. Though no one desired him as a 
colleague, every one feared him as an enemy, and the King 
thought no price too high to keep him from his councils and 
his presence. Under the pretext of some form of indemnity’ a 


1 His salary as Minister of State, since his deprivation of the title, was 
continued; certain of his claims for recovery of overcharges were ad- 
mitted, and he was given a hundred and fifty thousand francs from the 
funds of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 


184 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


large sum of money was given to him to pay his debts, of 
which, thank goodness, he always had plenty. Then by 
dint of supplications he was induced to mention the embassy 
at Rome as to his liking. This post was occupied by the 
Duc de Laval, for whom M. de Chateaubriand professed a 
great liking, though this fact did not stop him for a moment. 
M. de Laval was recalled, to his great disgust, and appointed 
to the embassy at Vienna, where he took the place of the Duc 
de Caraman. The latter had been summoned by a despatch 
which had not explained the reason for this sudden order. 
He thought that he was to be a member of the Ministry, threw 
himself into a post-chaise, and arrived with incredible speed. 
Greatly was he disconcerted when he was informed that all 
this haste had merely served to take him away from a post 
where he was extremely comfortable. M. de Chateaubriand 
resigned himself to spending a few months at Rome, leaving 
his interests in the hands of partisans whom he thought were 
likely to make the best use of them. 

Hardly had M. de La Ferronnays delivered himself from 
this inconvenient candidate when he was beset by another. 
M. de Polignac returned from London, and began to intrigue 
about the King’s person. M. de La Ferronnays has given me 
an account of his explanation with him. He placed his 
portfolio on the table between them, and said to M. de 
Polignac: 

“Tf you want it, take it, for I set no value upon it. I 
am ready to announce the fact to the King at this moment. 
But if I am to remain in office, I cannot and will not endure 
your presence here and the intrigues to which it gives rise.” 

M. de Polignac stammered some feeble excuses. 

“In that case,” replied M. de La Ferronnays, “if you do 
not propose to stay here to become minister, you had better 
get back to London at once.” 


1 Adrien de Montmorency. 


MONSIEUR DE VILLELE 185 


Jules was obliged to go away, for he could not have come 
to any agreement with the colleagues of M. de La Ferronnays. 
The King was still too convinced of the incapacity of M. de 
Polignac, as demonstrated by M. de Villéle, to venture an 
indulgence of his own tastes by placing him at the head of 
the Council. Out of false generosity M. de La Ferronnays, 
after this explanation, applied himself to the task of over- 
coming the King’s misgivings, and from this point of view 
he is somewhat to blame for the catastrophe of which Jules 
was the principle cause. 

The first care of the new Ministry was to dismiss M. 
Franchet, general director of police, and M. Lavau, director 
of the Parisian police; both of them were among the strictest 
members of the Congregation. The King yielded to this in- 
dispensable measure as a wounded man submits to amputa- 
tion. MM. de Villéle and Peyronnet, who had been ap- 
pointed peers, proudly presented themselves at the upper 
Chamber at the head of the column of nobility which they 
had created. They soon perceived that their leadership 
would be of no long duration, for the new peers were speedily 
dominated by the influence of their colleagues. No one can 
hear sound sense spoken about him for several hours a week 
without suffering in consequence. This was one of the reasons 
why the directors of the Congregation forbade their disciples 
to frequent the society of people who were not within the 
limits of the association. M. de Villéle soon perceived that 
any intrigue at that moment would be fruitless. He remained 
in an attitude of sulky opposition, and soon left Paris entirely. 
I do not think that he had quite abandoned his ambitions, 
but he did not consider the ground sufficiently favourable 
for him to open fire, and he was a man who could play a 
waiting game. 

I take this opportunity of noting a remarkable fact which 
I am obliged to believe, as I saw it for myself. In 1828, or 


186 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


perhaps it was in 1827,:a little girl of two years old was 
brought to me with bright blue eyes which seemed in no 
way remarkable at first sight. When, however, the eyes 
were examined more carefully, it was seen that the iris was 
composed of little filaments forming white letters on a blue 
background placed around the pupil, and making the words 
“Napoleon Emperor.” The word “Napoleon” was equally 
distinct in either eye; the first letters of the word “‘ Emperor” 
were indistinct in one eye and the last letters in the other. 
The little girl was very pretty, and seemed to enjoy excellent 
sight. 

Her mother, who was a Lorraine peasant, told me very 
simply what she considered to be the cause of this strange 
freak of nature. A brother, to whom she was deeply at- 
tached, had drawn a bad number in the conscription, and 
as he went away had given her a newly-struck coin of twenty 
sous, asking her to keep it in memory of him. A short time 
afterwards she learnt that his regiment was passing three 
leagues away from her village, and she went to the spot to 
see him fora moment. As she returned she was exhausted 
with fatigue and thirst, and stopped at a tavern half way 
upon her road to drink a glass of beer. When it was neces- 
sary to pay, she perceived that she had given her brother 
all the money she had upon her, and had nothing left but the 
precious coin of twenty sous, which she always carried upon 
her person. She asked for credit, but the inn-keeper was 
pitiless. She therefore sacrificed her poor treasure with 
regrets, and came home in despair. Her tears flowed in- 
cessantly. ‘The next Sunday her husband went in search of 
the coin, and succeeded in restoring it to her. When he 
brought it back, her joy was so keen that the child leaped 
in her womb, and, in her own words, she left “faint with 
delight.” 

The little girl bore in her eyes the inscription upon the 


FREAK OF NATURE 194 


coin. I have no intention of writing a physiological treatise 
to explain the possibility of this fact; I merely affirm that 
I have seen it, and that any fraud was impossible. The 
doctor in the neighbouring village had proposed to show 
the child for money, and the mother accompanied him. The 
Government objected to any public performance, advertise- 
ments were not permitted, and their stay at Paris was cut 
short. 

I never heard any more of the case. If such an occurrence 
had taken place during the Emperor’s reign, the hundred 
mouths of fame would have been too few to spread it abroad. 


CHAPTER iXVv1 


Change in the Dauphin’s attitude—The Baron de Damas as guardian of 
the Duc de Bordeaux—Ordinance of June, 1828, against the Jesuits 
—Journey of the King in Alsace—Ball at the house of the Duchesse 
de Berry—The little Mademoiselle—The education of the young 
Duc de Bordeaux. 


I HAVE now reached events highly important in view of their 
results. I cannot explain them, for I do not understand 
them, although they took place beneath my eyes. Perhaps 
some one will some day reveal the more hidden motives 
which actuated the facts I have to relate. I shall speak 
only of those motives which I have been able to discover. 

The prudence manifested by the Dauphine during the 
Ministry of M. de Villéle has been already noted. I have 
also referred to the confidence which he gave to the sup- 
porters of the new Ministry, and especially to M. de Mar- 
tignac, who had previously accompanied him during the 
Spanish campaign. No sooner, however, had this new ad- 
ministration been appointed under his auspices than he 
seemed to withdraw his support and to stand perceptibly 
aloof from his usual advisers. M. Pasquier, and especially 
M. Portal, who had hitherto been frequently called to inti- 
mate conference with the Prince, suddenly ceased to receive 
these messages. ‘The notes which he used continually to 
ask them to write in order to enlighten his opinions were 
no longer demanded. ‘These facts would be quite intelligible 
if he had given his confidence to the new Cabinet, but he 
had not done so. 


The Dauphin made the mistake of desiring a portfolio 
188 


THE DAUPHIN’S ATTITUDE 189 


for himself, instead of simply maintaining his influence at 
the Ministry of War, where he used to do whatever he liked. 
But he had wished for some tangible responsibility, for 
offices and for definite work to do: the jealousy of place 
thus took hold of him, and he soon felt for his “‘ colleagues”’ 
the petty passion of rivalry which was carefully fostered by 
the inferior agents of his Ministry. On the other hand, all 
those officers who had not immediately secured what they 
desired could no longer appeal to the Prince against the 
ministers, and therefore threw their blame immediately upon 
the Dauphin, who began to lose the popularity which he 
had secured in the army. ‘These results had been foreseen 
by the previous counsellors of the Dauphin. They had 
attempted to dissuade him from his administrative whims, 
and probably his coolness towards them was the result of 
their efforts. I have already said that he was very reluctant 
to countenance the entrance of M. de La Ferronnays to the 
Council over which he presided. That gentleman has told 
me that throughout his Ministry the Dauphin never spoke 
to him directly, though they were often at cross purposes in 
the Council. ‘The point of keenest dissension was the Duke 
of Wellington. | 

The Dauphin wished to adopt a measure recommended by 
the Duke of Wellington, of which M. de La Ferronnays dis- 
approved, because, as the Prince said, ‘The Duke of Wel- 
lington is attached to our family, and as he likes us he will 
only recommend actions for our good.” 

M. de La Ferronnays was justly incensed by this innuendo, 
and replied hotly that the Duke of Wellington was an Eng- 
lish minister, who would naturally regard politics from an 
English point of view; that it was the business of the Council 
of the King of France, composed as it was lof Frenchmen, 
to weigh these proposals and to decide whether they were 
in French interests, and not to be led astray by questions 


190 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


of personal intimacy which certainly had no influence upon 
the British Government. He shattered the Duke’s argu- 
ments which M. de Polignac had undertaken to propound, 
won the King over to his opinion and carried his proposal in 
spite of the Dauphin’s opposition. 

This discussion took place at the close of the year. But 
other circumstances had already embittered the feelings of 
the Prince. Of these, one of the earliest was the question 
of replacing the Duc de Riviére. ‘The King wished the post 
of guardian to depend solely upon his nomination. © The 
Council wished to be consulted, while the King’s claim was 
supported by the Ultra party. ‘The country as a whole took 
the part of the ministers. The Dauphin vigorously sup- 
ported his father’s point of view, and insisted that in the 
choice of a guardian for his grandson he could use that 
independence of judgment which belongs by right to every 
head of a family. With his usual want of tact, he said that 
it would be an impertinence to refuse the King this right. 

The ministers, however, insisted, and the King undertook 
to make no choice without informing them. They pro- 
ceeded to look about for a suitable person. The Duc de 
Mortemart was sounded, but while negotiations with him 
were in process the King informed his ministers individually, 
and at ten o’clock in the evening, that the nomination of the 
Baron de Damas would appear in the Moniteur the next day. 
This was what he called making no choice without informing 
them. ‘They had mistaken the sense of his words, for when 
the rumour of this nomination was going about the camarilla 
I know that M. de Mortemart was told of it by M. de Glan- 
devés,’ who replied that the appointment was impossible, as 
the Council would never consent. The King’s device was 
entirely successful, for the ministers had no time to meet 
or discuss their plans or to address a remonstrance to the 


1 Baron de Glandevés, peer of France and Governor of the Tuileries. 


MONSIEUR DE DAMAS 1gI 


King. None of them dared to take the responsibility of 
stopping the printing of the Moniteur and the nomination 
was inserted. The Cabinet entered a protest, but its in- 
fluence then received a blow from which it did not recover. 

M. de Damas was an extreme member of the Congrega- 
tion.’ It was obvious to everybody that there was a clique 
in the Chateau whose influence was superior to that of the 
ministers, and which was in the King’s confidence. The 
Dauphin detested the Congregation, cared nothing for M. de 
Damas? personally, and should have been opposed to his 
nomination. ‘The Dauphin, however, was convinced that the 
choice of a guardian for the Duc de Bordeaux was the King’s 
exclusive privilege, and that if he were not allowed to exercise 
it he would be shorn of a civil right which every private 
individual could use. One day at lunch, one of his aides-de- 
camp ventured to say that the education of a child whose 
birth had been a national event should be regarded as a 
Government question. The Prince burst into a fury of which 
he was himself speedily ashamed, so much so that he apolo- 
gised. At the same time, he afterwards perceived that the 
nomination of M. de Damas produced an extremely bad effect 
upon the country, and was therefore induced to give his 
support to the ordinances directed against the Jesuits and 
the little seminaries. 

I shall not relate these great events in detail. I know 
history only as gossip, and through connection with personal 
acquaintances, but as I shall probably have to refer to these 
so-called June ordinances,® it is necessary to mention them, 


1 He does not appear in the list published by M. Geoffroy de Grand- 
maison. 

2Mme. de Gontaut says that M. de Damas was appointed at the 
“‘earnest solicitations” of the Dauphin, whose gentleman of honour he 
was. 

’ Ordinances of June 16, 1828. ‘They were issued after an inquiry 
conducted by a commission composed of Mgr. de Quélen, Archbishop of 


192 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


and also to note the energy which the Dauphin had brought 
to the task of drawing them up. 

The King kept the ordinances for a fortnight before 
signing them; they were submitted to the inspection of his 
spiritual directors. The leaders of the Jesuits gave their 
consent, understanding that any resistance at that moment 
would have caused their overthrow. They thought that it 
was more politic to yield, as they could rely upon the assist- 
ance of the King when circumstances might seem favourable 
for a counter-stroke. The King therefore appended his 
signature with a clear conscience and provided with the 
full authorisation of his secret counsellors." But he was 
deeply annoyed, and we saw traces of this feeling. 

As for the Dauphin, this was his last sensible act. ‘Thence- 
forward he steadily abandoned the ideas which he had 


Paris; Mgr. Feutrier, Bishop of Beauvais; M. Lainé, Séguier, and 
Mounier, peers of France; Alexis de Noailles, de La Bourdonnaye, Du- 
pin major, deputies; and De Courville, member of the Council of the 
University. ‘The ordinances brought under university government cer- 
tain institutions conducted by the Jesuits, and also contained that there- 
after no one should be allowed to teach or to conduct an educational es- 
tablishment if he had not previously declared in writing that he belonged 
to no Congregation not legally authorised in France. Moreover, the num- 
ber of pupils which might be admitted to the little seminaries was limited 
to 20,000 and rules for supervision were laid down. 

1 Chancellor Pasquier writes with reference to the King’s household: 
‘“‘He had been inspired by a kind of council of conscience, to which he 
had recourse on every occasion of importance, especially when religious 
questions were at stake. The Abbé Ronsin, the chief or provincial 
French Jesuit, was a member of this council, and nothing could be more 
consistent with the rule of conduct and the habits of the order, than the 
advice to bend beneath the storm and to submit to a concession which 
would disarm suspicion and would give them time to prepare for an 
opportunity of reasserting their shattered power.”—Memoires, Vol. VL., 
Diapeey 

Father Ronsin was not the provincial of Paris. This eminent eccle- 
siastic was active in every quarter, but while engaged in charitable work 
amongst the poor he did not neglect religious propaganda among the 
members of the society. This, indeed, was a task in which he excelled. 


THE DAUPHIN’S ATTITUDE 193 


hitherto professed. The election of General Clausel’ as 
deputy for Lille finally drove him into the hands of the 
Ultra party. He had never been able to pardon this officer 
the expulsion of the Duchesse d’Angouléme from Bordeaux 
during the Hundred Days, and his exasperation at this ap- 
pointment reached the pitch of monomania. From this time 
onwards not a glimmer of the sound sense upon which France 
had set her hopes for many years was to be found in him. 
This change, which was speedily well known, and the educa- 
tion given to the Duc de Bordeaux, roused public passion 
against the older branch, and procured that overthrow which 
was accomplished in three days, for the reason that every 
root had been cut through months before. 

I have said what I know of the motives which may have 
actuated the Dauphin. Possibly there are some of which I 
have no information. Certain people have believed that 
Nompére de Champagny, one of his azdes-de-camp, a distin- 
guished young man and a zealous member of the Congrega- 
tion,” who seemed to follow the ideas of the Prince, might 


He was the combined guider of the Congregation, of the Sisters of St. 
Thomas de Villeneuve, and of the Convent of Les Oiseaux; he carried 
on a ‘‘spiritual”’ correspondence with a large number of people, without 
neglecting his duties as superior of the house in the Rue de Sévres, and 
found time either to conduct retreats or to spend long hours with his 
penitents in his confessional at St. Thomas d’Aquin. He was so un- 
sparing of himself that he might reasonably be reproached at this time 
of his life with diminishing the effect of his influence by extending it too 
widely. 

‘“‘He was a thorough expert in that difficult science which demands 
the utmost tact and holiness, the direction of souls.”—M. Geoffroy de 
Grandmaison, La Congregation, 1801 to 1830, p. 340. 

1 Comte Bertrand Clausel (1772-1842). Volunteer in 1791, general of 
division in 1802, commander at Bordeaux during the Hundred Days. 
Exiled from 1815 to 1820, elected deputy by the Arrondissement de 
Rethel in the month of March, 1829, governor of Algiers under the July 
Monarchy, marshal in 1831. 

? He does not appear in the list published by M. Grandmaison. 


194 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


have influenced him. Possibly also the continually increasing 
demands of the Liberal party inclined him to fear the ad- 
vance of demagogues who must be crushed if you would not 
fall a victim to them, and it may be that he had been per- 
suaded that the system of concessions merely served to 
strengthen their claims. I cannot say what was at the 
bottom of his heart, but the consequences were only too 
obvious. : 

The military council over which the Dauphin presided had 
resumed its sittings, and Marshal Marmont told me daily 
that the Prince was constantly proposing obsolete theories 
and absurd claims. I remembered his praises of earlier years 
and I will admit that I attributed this change of tone to the 
fickleness of the Marshal. Unfortunately, he was not the 
only man who disturbed our peace of mind by such remarks, 
and all our evidence contributed to show that the Dauphin 
had joined the most violent reactionary party. 

I labour this point, which history will perhaps neglect, 
because, in my opinion, it was this circumstance which de- 
stroyed all hopes, exasperated all minds, and drove both 
parties to excesses. 

The King made a journey into Alsace during the summer 
of 1828. He was thoroughly delighted with his reception, 
which was excellent. Every address presented to him uttered 
compliments upon the ordinances against the establishment 
of the Jesuits, and M. de Martignac took the trouble to point 
out this fact upon every occasion. The King conceived an 
additional dislike for his minister, and attributed the demon- 
strations of the inhabitants throughout his triumphal progress 
to their personal affection for himself. Some ‘petty German 
sovereigns came to pay their respects to him at Strasburg, 
and he thought himself a second Louis XIV. 

The Ministry continued a painful existence: it was forced 
to combat the opposition of the Left and of the Right, com- 


PROSPECTS OF THE MINISTRY 195 


posed of Ultras, Congregationists, courtiers, and the King. 
Possibly the Ministry might have held out, notwithstanding 
these obstacles, if the supporters of peace and order had 
openly united to its help, but every one had wishes differing 
in some respect and used his right to blame and to criticise. 

The Constitutional party was essentially critical. It was 
composed of individuals who were more anxious to show their 
personal capacity than to support their leaders, with the result 
that, as a whole, they were totally unfitted for government. 
As the Ministry thus received the whole-hearted support of no 
party, we may well be astonished that it was able to maintain 
its ground so long. ‘The fact is that no one realised that its 
fall would imply the fall of the monarchy, although I think 
that this idea would have gathered many to its support. It 
was, however, evident to all sensible people that the Mar- 
tignac Ministry was of the same colour as the De Richelieu 
ministries, which alone had been able to make the Restoration 
tolerable, that it was mortally displeasing to the King, and 
that it could only be supported against the influence of the 
Crown by the united efforts of the Chambers. 

If all the deputies who desired its support had commenced 
to work for it, the Ministry might perhaps have extricated the 
ship of state from the reefs among which M. de Villéle had 
allowed it to drift. This, however, is to regret the distant 
past. I merely wish to point out that no one is free from 
blame, and that every one contributed in some degree by his 
wrong-doing to produce the catastrophe which very few 
desired. 

While the leaders were thus playing pitch and toss for 
the crown, the amusements of the capital were none the less 
brilliant, and the Carnival of 1829 was very splendid. ‘The 
young d’Orléans Princes were growing up, and the Palais 
Royal became correspondingly cheerful. Concerts and 
dinners had been succeeded by theatrical performances, 


196 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


by balls and quadrilles. ‘The Duchesse de Berry took ad- 
vantage of this fact, and gave very handsome entertainments 
in her turn. The most agreeable and pleasant of these were 
held in the apartments of her children, and were given in the 
name of the Duchesse de Gontaut. This device enabled 
the Duchesse to dispense with the rules of etiquette and to 
choose her guests from the most fashionable society. Masked 
balls were given where the magnificence of some of some 
of the costumes delighted the eyes, but which were not 
a beautiful spectacle as a whole. The Duchesse de Berry 
thought that if she allowed her guests full liberty in dress, 
she would succeed better, and she was in fact entirely suc- 
cessful. 

Medizvalism was becoming a fashionable amusement. 
The Duchesse conceived the idea of representing the court 
of Francois II. All the youngest and most fashionable 
members of society were given a place in this company, for 
which marches, evolutions, and dances were composed; the 
remainder of the guests in ordinary costumes were spectators.* 
The Duc de Chartres, representing Francois II., was the 
object of general admiration. It was his first public ap- 
pearance, and his charming face and graceful bearing were 
much admired; those who had been admitted to rehearsals 
praised no less readily his politeness and the fine tact which 
governed his every action. The master of the ballet had 
prepared a throne for the Duc de Chartres above that of the 
Queen, who was represented by the Duchesse de Berry. The 
Duc de Chartres refused to take this place, and conducted to 
it Mme. de Podenas, who was taking the part of Catherine de 
Medicis. ‘This little incident gave the utmost delight at the 
Tuileries. ‘The Dauphine pleasantly related it as an action 
“in excellent taste on the part of Chartres.’ Could it have 


1The Duchesse de Gontaut gives an account of this entertainment 
and the names of the actors. (Mémoires, p. 289.) 


DUCHESSE DE BERRY’S BALL 197 


been that some instinct told him that the throne of the 
Tuileries would be placed within his reach? Upon that 
occasion he did not seem inclined to exercise the ‘good 
taste” of renouncing it. 

We were informed that the Dauphine had strongly ob- 
jected to the Duchesse de Berry’s choice of Mary Stuart 
as her part. Possibly it was a somewhat tactless proceeding 
to take the part in the palace of Marie Antoinette of a queen 
who had been beheaded. ‘The Duchesse de Berry, however, 
was less far-sighted. ‘The King did not forbid the quadrille, 
and the Princess, as usual, disregarded her sister-in-law’s 
disapproval. The latter had been present at the masked 
ball in costume and bedecked with jewels, but she did not 
appear at the quadrille, and sent no excuse on the score of 
health. However, she had lent her diamonds to the lady 
who took the part of the Queen of Scots, Marie de Lorraine, 
who was supposed to be at her daughter’s court to begin the 
quadrille with some English ladies who wished to take part 
in it. 

Generally speaking, the women were well dressed, and 
showed to great advantage. ‘The men, with few exceptions, 
looked like masked street ruffans. The Duc de Chartres 
wore a magnificent costume with excellent effect, and the 


little Duc de Richelieu? looked better than I have ever seen 
him before or since. 


As for the Queen of the festival, the Duchesse de Berry, 
she looking appalling. She had had her hair arranged in a 
tier, a fashion perhaps entirely classical, but which suited 
her abominably, while she was dressed in a long ermine cloak 
with the fur turned inwards, which made her look like a 


1 Armand Francois Odet de Chapelle de Jumilhac, Duc de Richelieu, 
raised to the peerage by letters patent of September 19, 1822, and to the 
estate of his uncle with an authorisation for himself and his descendants 
to bear the names and the arms of Richelieu. 


198 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


drowned dog. The heat of this costume had reddened her 
face, her neck, and her shoulders, which were usually very 
white, and no one was ever more successful in her efforts to 
look a fright. 

The little Mademoiselle’ was present at this entertain- 
ment, and went from bench to bench gathering expressions 
of admiration for the Duc de Chartres. Her own enthusiasm 
seemed to be extreme. She displayed an affection for him 
which was quite touching in view of her age, for she was 
not more than ten years old. This young princess promised 
to be highly accomplished rather than pretty. I never had 
the honour of her intimate acquaintance, but I sometimes 
saw her in Mme. de Gontaut’s rooms, and she seemed to me 
very pleasant. She overwhelmed the Duchesse d’Orléans 
with caresses, and often said: 

“T am very fond of my aunt. She is very kind, and 
then she is the mother of my cousin Chartres.” 

She was continually holding up this cousin as an example 
to» the Duc de Bordeaux, whom she governed with all the 
superiority of her age and of her mind. When quite young 
she took an interest in public affairs, and knew enough 
to show marked politeness to a politician, though she had 
not been specially told to do so. Mme. de Gontaut under- 
stood that the child of a princess should not be kept in the 
same state of ignorance as the child of a private person, and 
encouraged conversation of any kind before Mademoiselle, 

‘ Louise Marie Thérése, daughter of the Duc de Berry, born Septem- 
ber 21, 1819, married Charles ITI., Duke of Parma, in 1845, and died in 
February, 1864. 

Mme. de Gontaut relates that on the morning of the birth of the 
daughter of the Duc de Berry, the young Duc de Chartres said when he 
heard the first cannon shot, ‘‘That is my wife or my king coming into the 
world.”” Some time afterwards the Duc de Berry, remembering this 
observation of the Duc de Chartres, said to him jestingly, “‘Chartres, go 


and kiss your wife.” He blushed and would not move, and his shyness 
caused amusement.” (Mémoires, p. 199.) 


THE LITTLE MADEMOISELLE 199 


who had soon taken a keen interest. In any case, it was 
necessary to occupy her lively imagination, and above all to 
enlighten her haughtiness of character, which was unsuitable 
to our age. 

Mme. de Gon‘aut told me that when the Duc de Bordeaux 
was taken from his sister, that his education might be en- 
trusted to the care of men, she took the little princess to 
the King the following day, according to daily custom. 
When they crossed the guard-room the Life Guards did not 
present arms. Mademoiselle:stopped short in astonishment, 
and seemed much displeased. When she went out later in 
the morning, there was no escort for her carriage. The 
next day the sentry. who had received no orders upon the 
point, turned out the guard when he saw her coming. She 
stopped, bowed to him, and said: 

“T thank you; but you are mistaken, it is only myself.” 

She refused to take her usual drive. Mme. de Gontaut 
understood that she did not wish to go out without an escort. 
She watched the child carefully but said nothing. Made- 
moiselle, beginning to weary of staying in the house, asked 
her governess if she could not go out with her brother, and 
added that it would be more amusing to go to Bagatelle with 
him than to walk about at her side. 

Mme. de Gontaut answered coldly: 

“Think the matter over for half an hour, and if you can 
then tell me that you wish to go with the Duc de Bordeaux, 
merely for the pleasure of seeing Bagatelle, I will undertake 
to arrange the drive.” : 

A few moments afterwards the young princess came in 
tears to admit to her “dear friend,” as she called her, the 
weak pride of her young heart and her sorrow at discovering 
that Bordeaux was “everything” and that she was “nothing.” 
It was not difficult for a clever woman like Mme. de Gontaut 
to make so clever a child understand the pettiness of such 


200 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


claims. A short time afterwards Mademoiselle was anxious 
to make amends by walking on foot, giving her arm to Mme. 
de Gontaut and followed by a footman, through the streets 
of Paris. 7 

I have narrated this anecdote to show how early the royal 
instincts assert themselves, and how natural it is that etiquette 
should be necessary to princes as they grow old. 

In any case, Mme. de Gontaut had exceeded her powers in 
saying that she could arrange the drive to Bagatelle, as the 
Baron de Damas, in his wisdom, had resolved to separate the 
two children. He feared the effects of female government 
upon the young Duc de Bordeaux, and his bigotry, which I 
thought utterly indecent, had already forbidden the young 
prince of eighteen to kiss his sister, who was nine years old. 
His. education as a whole was conducted upon equally en- 
lightened principles, and apart from the gymnastic exercises, 
which he was obliged to practise as if he were intended to 
appear under Franconi,’ the poor little prince was brought 
up as a monk and was bored to distraction. Public indigna- 
tion at the training which the future sovereign underwent 
finally alienated the affection of the people from the reigning 
monarch. 


1 A famous family of circus performers.—TRANSLATOR. 


CHAPTER XVII 


M. Pasquier declines the portfolio of Foreign Affairs—Conversation of 
the King with the Duc de Mortemart—Campaign of the Russians 
against the Turks—The King declares for the Emperor Nicholas— 
Intrigues in the Chamber of Deputies—Return of M. de Chateau- 
briand—Death of the Bishop of Beauvais—Progress of the clerical 
party—Difference in the King’s language to M. de Martignac and 
M. de La Ferronnays—Prophecies unfulfilled. 


THE health of M. de La Ferronnays had been broken for a 
long time, and now became so bad that he was obliged to 
resign the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Several persons were 
asked to take his place, among others M. Pasquier. He once 
more declined, being persuaded that the King’s prejudice 
would prevent any confidence between them. 

This prejudice was of long standing. In 1814, when 
Monsieur had reached France before Louis XVIII., and had 
governed the country for some time as Lieutenant-General, 
M. Pasquier had spoken to him of the state of the country, 
of the strength of parties, and of the importance of individuals 
with a frankness which the émigré prince had been unable to 
understand, and which those about him had stigmatised as 
hatred for the Restoration. Nothing could be more absurd. 
M. Pasquier had heartily fallen in with the new order of things 
which was necessitated by the safety of the country, and merely 
wished to turn it to the best account. Accustomed as he was 
to serve under the Emperor, he was continuing his previous 
methods. 

Napoleon not only desired but insisted that every one 
should tell him the whole truth, and should support their 


opinion against his own. In personal discussion he would 
201 


202 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


permit argument to the point of contradiction. He invariably 
acted as he pleased, but he never bore ill-feeling for any 
opposition to his views in the Council or in the Cabinet. 
Monsieur could not understand this method of treatment: 
any one who offered objections, even in his own interest, was 
regarded as anenemy. M. Pasquier was so long in discover- 
ing this frame of mind, that his own zeal made his position 
steadily worse and even when he realised the truth he none the 
less continued the performance of what he considered his duty. 

When he became a minister of Louis XVIII. he was 
suddenly brought into collision with the Ultra party, and 
displeased Monsieur in consequence. ‘These views did not 
allow him to enter the Council of Charles X., and he pointed 
out to the ministers who desired his co-operation that he 
would be no help to them if he sat at their Council, and 
could be more useful to them in the Chamber of Peers. He 
did not share the discontent which most of our party felt for 
the weakness of the Martignac Government, but openly 
declared that it was. foolish to demand of the Government 
that which could not be extor.ed from the King’s prejudices. 
It was not the fault of M. Pasquier that the Ministry fell, for 
he supported it most frankly and by every means in his power. 

After some search for a successor to M. de La Ferronnays, it 
was resolved to make no appointment. The debts which 
the last holder of the office had left behind him served as a 
pretext for leaving the post vacant. M. Portalis took the 
portfolio as interim minister. This result had been chiefly 
the work of two men: the King, who wished to undermine 
the Ministry with a view to its overthrow; and M. Hyde de 
Neuville, who wished to perform his promise by securing an 
entrance for M. de Chateaubriand. This double intrigue 
secured the abstention of all candidates, including the Duc 
de Mortemart, whom M. de Martignac strongly desired. I 
have it from the Duc himself that M. de Martignac asked 


DUC DE MORTEMART 203 


him how he could hold out against the earnest representa- 
tions of the King. He replied that the King had never shown 
the smallest desire to see him enter the Council. 

“That is very remarkable. But if he has not yet spoken 
to you on the matter, he will do so.” : , 

In fact, the King sent for M. de Mortemart. 

“Well,” he said, ‘so you do not wish to join them?” 

M. de Mortemart gave his reasons, which were personal. 
The King offered very feeble objections, like a school-boy 
repeating a lesson, and then added: 

“Well, I am not sorry; you are right. You had better 
not mix yourself up with these people.” 

Such were the irresistible entreaties of the King. M. de 
Mortemart, who was eminently straightforward, endeavoured 
to explain the situation to M. de Martignac, but he could 
never persuade him that he had not enjoyed the full con- 
fidence of the monarch. 

The Duc de Mortemart, who was called by events to play 
a political part which he had not desired and to which his 
powers were unequal in so difficult a situation,’ was a 
thoroughly loyal, honourable, and independent character. 
He was a Frenchman at heart, while his intellectual powers 
and his common sense were by no means deficient. At the 
court of Charles X. he was a kind of phcenix. The country, 
which at, bottom was only anxious to come to terms with the 
Restoration, felt a sincere attachment for the grand seigneur 
who had not repudiated the country. M.de Mortemart was 
flattered by his popularity, and wishing to justify it, gradually 
withdrew from the extravagances in which his social position 
called him to take part. He even gave up the sport to which 
he had devoted himself for ten years, and appeared more 
constantly in the Chamber of Peers. 


1 An allusion to the mission 7m extremis which Charles X. entrusted to 
him during the days of July. 


204 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


When he was appointed Ambassador to Russia he ac- 
companied the Emperor Nicholas upon his first campaign in 
Turkey and secured the high favour, though he thought but 
little of the talent and military taste, of his Imperial host. 
The Emperor seemed to be more at his ease upon the parade 
ground than upon the battle-field and his visit to see the 
Empress at Odessa during the critical moment of the siege of 
Varna’ was no great testimony to his bravery. In confidence 
M. de Mortemart would attribute the reverses of the cam- 
paign to the Emperor’s presence in the camp and to his 
absence from the conflicts, in which he never cared to take a 
personal part. Probably Nicholas understood that his 
presence was prejudical to the success of his troops, for he 
was easily persuaded not to join the following campaign, and 
the results were much more favourable to his armies. 

The situation of Russia was somewhat precarious at that 
moment. Austria and England would readily have taken 
advantage of the situation to shake this Colossus, the weight 
of which oppressed them like a nightmare. Possibly such an 
action would have been in the real interests of Europe; but 
there was no French Government to speak of, and Pozzo was 
clever enough to induce Charles X. to interfere personally 
upon the Russian question. A constant correspondence 
began between the two sovereigns: the King of France was 
flattered to be of service to the Czar of Russia, and took a 
ready and valuable part in the negotiations on behalf of the 
young autocrat; hence the affectionate sentiments which 
Nicholas professed for Charles X. after his downfall, which im- 
mediately followed the signature of the treaty of Andrinople.? 


1'The siege of Varna, which was accompanied by great loss, lasted 
from July 20 to October 11, 1828. 

2’The treaty of peace signed September 14, 1829, after the Great 
Powers had intervened to stop the victorious march of the Russians 
upon Constantinople. 


CHANCE FOR INTRIGUES 205 


If France had followed the policy of England and Austria, 
the second campaign would have been impossible, and the 
Russian troops would not have ventured to cross the Balkans. 
The Emperor was so persuaded of the fact that he had asked 
for Prussian mediation, and diplomatists had been sent off 
with very moderate instructions from Russia. These, how- 
ever, were changed upon the arrival of a courier from Paris. 
Further instructions were sent to the envoys, the consequence 
of which was the second campaign and the peace of Andri- 
nople. Time alone could decide whether Charles X., by 
facilitating the Emperor’s success, had performed a service to 
the civilised world, as he was persuaded at that time. 

At the head of all the candidates for the portfolio of 
Foreign Affairs, I should have placed the King’s invariable 
choice, M. de Polignac. He wished to appear in Paris im- 
mediately after the accident which had happened to M. de 
La Ferronnays,’ but the monarch himself thought that the 
moment was inopportune and pleaded family business; he 
delayed only a few days without taking any open steps, in 
contrast to his action in the spring. 

M. de La Ferronnays had absolutely resigned; his post 
was vacant, and it is said that he had himself mentioned 
Jules de Polignac as his successor in the hope of securing 
the King’s favour. In any case, Charles X. thought that the 
moment had come, and M. de Polignac was summoned. 
The public has accused M. Portalis of being concerned in 
this intrigue. Those who were best informed have since 
assured me that the charge was unjust. M. de Polignac 
made no concealment of his efforts to form a Ministry. He 
applied to people of different shades of opinion, and met 
with such resistance everywhere that he was obliged to re- 
nounce his project. He agreed with the King to abandon 


1M. de La Ferronnays, whose health was feeble, had been taken ill in 
the King’s study at the beginning of January, 1829. 


206 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


the plan until the close of the session, and returned to 
London.* | 

Granted that the Crown was conspiring against the 
legislature, the latter showed no special confidence in the 
Crown. After some foolish haggling over a sum of thirty 
thousand francs which M. Peyronnet had expended on the 
decoration of the Chancellor’s residence, and which the 
Chamber refused to pass, a similar want of tractability was 
shown upon a question of order in the proposal of important 
laws affecting the administration of the departments and 
communes. 

The Ministry had induced the King with the utmost 
difficulty to adopt these laws, and he did not hide his joy 
when the recalcitrance of the deputies gave him a pretext 
for withdrawing them. From that time he resumed his part 
as an undisguised opponent of his own Cabinet, and those 
deputies who were more closely attached to the King and 
enjoyed his favour plainly showed their opposition to the 
Ministry. In the discussions upon the Budget the Chamber 
had spoken in terms offensive to the army and had adopted 
measures detrimental to its interests. Consequently it had 
incurred the natural hatred of the military. Every one who 
wore a sword was ready to exclaim that it was time to make 


1Mme. de Boigne seems to have confused the order of events, which 
was as follows. At the moment of the seizure of M. de La Ferronnays, 
the Prince de Polignac was summoned to Paris at the King’s formal 
order by M. Portalis, who was acting as interim Minister of Foreign 
Affairs. The account of the steps taken at this time by M. de Polignac 
can be read in the Mémoires du Chancelier Pasquier, Vol. VI., p. 149 ff. 
The speech to which Mme. de Boigne alludes was delivered on February 
5, 1829. On the 15th the Ambassador returned to his post. However, 
he fell ill, was obliged to leave London, and only returned to his embassy 
in May. Possibly the second appearance at Paris, of which Mme. de 
Boigne speaks, belongs to this period. ‘The Prince de Polignac returned 
to Millemont (Seine et Oise) on July 27, 1829, and then formed the Min- 
‘istry which was so fatal to France. 


RETURN OF M. DE CHATEAUBRIAND 207 


an end of these chattering Governments, that the lawyers 
must be silenced, and that the proverb Cedant arma togw 
must be reversed. ‘The attitude of the soldiers was carefully 
nursed by the Ultra party, and provided a strong encourage- 
ment to the extravagances in preparation. This leaning to 
absolutism could not, however, prevent the formation of the 
Polignac Ministry, and from that time onwards the heart of 
the citizen was found beating beneath the uniform of the 
soldier. 

About the same time M. de Chateaubriand had conceived 
the notion of addressing to the Conclave’ a speech full of . 
liberal and philosophical ideas, which had deeply scandalised 
the sacred college and had made his position at Rome some- 
what difficult. A new Pope, Pius VIII.,? the successor of 
Leo XII., wrote to Paris to complain, and M. de Chateau- 
briand returned to France upon a plea of ill-health. He 
still entertained a strong desire to return to the Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs, which was then vacant,* but the King was 
reserving it for another candidate. With the exception of 
M. Hyde de Neuville, no one was anxious for so disquiet- 
ing a colleague as M. de Chateaubriand. As he saw no 
prospect of success for the moment, he went away to a 
watering-place in the Pyrenees. 

The Jesuits, who were clever at a waiting game, had 
furled their sails after the ordinances of June, which they 

* The Conclave met at Rome, after the death of Leo XII., on February 
ro, and elected Pius VIII. on March 30. 

* Francis Xavier Castiglione, born at Cingoli in 1761, died in 1830. 
He was Bishop of Montalto in 1800, and Cardinal Bishop of Cesenna 
in 1816. 

* At the end of May, 1829. At the outset of July he went away to take 
the waters (cp. Mme. Recamier and Her Friends, by H. N. Williams, 
chapter XVII.). 

* The ministry was no longer vacant. On May 14, 1820, M. Portalis 


‘had become Minister of Foreign Affairs. His place as Minister of Jus- 
tice was taken by M. Bourdeau, then Under Secretary of State. 


208 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


had accepted in spite of their hostile tendency. They re- 
mained in obscurity, but were working none the less actively. 
The Bishop:of Beauvais, Mgr. Feutrier,’ a virtuous and 
clever prelate, who had signed these ordinances, had inspired 
them with one of those clerical hatreds which can never be 
appeased, and which successively lost him his place and his 
life. ‘There were many rumours that he had been poisoned, 
but I think this expression must be taken metaphorically. 
Continual annoyances of every kind had so “poisoned” his 
life that he had succumbed. ‘The fact remains that he was 
a young man and enjoyed excellent health in 1829, and 
that he died of consumption at the outset of 1830. The 
members of the Congregation naturally proclaimed that this 
was a judgment upon the man who had laid hands upon the 
holy ark of the Jesuits. I believe that King Charles X. 
expressed himself to that effect; in any case, such was the 
general belief. The poor Prince plunged deeper and deeper 
into bigotry. It has been asserted that he used to say the 
‘White Mass;’? this I believe to be a fable. The Jesuits, 


1 Jean Francois Hyacinthe (1785-1830), general secretary of the 
Royal Almonry, vicar of the Madeleine, Bishop of Beauvais, peer of 
France in 1825, Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs in 1828. He was found 
dead in his bed during a visit to Paris. He had been received into the 
Congregation on September 20, 1807, by Father Delpuits. (La Con- 
gregation, p. 349.) 

2 Only a hopeless ignoramus upon religious topics, as those generally 
are who attack the holy Church and its missions, could believe such 
absurdities. 

What, after all, is a Mass without the sacramental mediation of the 
priest? Why should the words of the office be modified for recitation 
by one who has not received consecration? Are not these words in 
every service book as authorised for use by the bishops, and in the gospel 
which all can and should read? What priest or religious official would 
lend himself to the comedy of which Mme. de Boigne speaks, and what 
profit would the layman secure who might be simple enough to perform 
the mummery in the belief that he was pleasing God or securing his own 
salvation ? 

These considerations will show how absurdly unfounded are the stories 


THE KING AND MARTIGNAC 209 


however, sometimes allowed their pupils the delight of 
saying Mass with a change in the words of consecration, and 
possibly the King indulged some whim of the kind. The 
populace were persuaded of the fact. It appears almost 
positively true that he had been affiliated’ to the Society of 
Jesus, and recognised spiritual directors whom he obeyed in 
temporal affairs. I have a somewhat remarkable fact from 
M. de Martignac. 

During the last days of the session of 1829, M. de Ville- 
franche, a peer and member of the Congregation,’ delivered 
a violent but somewhat clever speech, which he obviously 
had not himself composed, vigorously attacking the King’s 
Ministry for its general policy and especially for the so-called 
June ordinances. M. de Martignac replied with his usual 
talent, and spoke with much eloquence and wisdom upon the 
subject of the ordinances. In the evening he was with the 
King, and met with an excellent reception. The monarch 
complimented him upon his success in the Chamber of Peers. 
_ The next day there was a change: M. de Martignac came to 
work with the King, who received him most coldly, and the 
minister could not imagine how he had given offence. At 
length, when their work was ended, he was addressed as 
follows: 

“Why on earth did you want to speak yesterday?” 


prevalent in Opposition society upon the subject of the Jesuits, which 
are here echoed by Mme. de Boigne. 

1Tn a letter to Mme. Récamier, the Duchesse Mathieu de Montmo- 
rency writes: “‘Now your friends are satisfied. ‘Their pupils have been 
taken away from the poor Jesuits. Everything it wants is being ceded 
to the empire of Liberalism. I am afraid that religion and royalty will 
come off very badly with this system. How right I was when I said to 
you that too much honour was done to Charles X. when it was said that 
he was a Jesuit.” (Madame Recamier, by Edouard Herriot, Vol. IL, 
p. 229. English edition.) 

? He does not appear in the list published by M. Geoffroy de Grand- 
maison.. 


210 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


“What, Sire! How could I allow the invective of M. de 
Villefranche to pass without reply?” 

‘Well, the session is nearly at an end, and it was not 
worth your while.” 

“Tt is precisely because the session is at an end that the 
King’s Government should not be left to bear the weight of 
all these calumnies.”’ 

The King began to walk up and down the room. 

‘At any rate, you might have avoided any reference to 
the ordinances.” 

“M. de Villefranche began it, Sire, and I was naturally 
obliged to explain a measure which was the work of your 
Majesty as well as the Council.” | 

“Explain! explain! To begin with, M. de Martignac, 
they will never pardon you—you may be certain of that.” 

“What, Sire r”’ 

“Oh, I know what I am talking of. Good day to you, 
Martignac.” 

The minister who was thus dismissed was obliged to 
withdraw without realising that his overthrow had been 
determined. He had not long to await his fate. 

As a contrast to this anecdote which M. de Martignac 
told me, here is one which I have from M. de La Ferronnays. 
I am anticipating a little, in order to bring the two cases 
together. 

When M. de La Ferronnays took the place of M. de Cha- 
teaubriand at Rome under the Polignac Ministry, he told the 
King that he could not accept the embassy if there was any 
proposal to revoke the June ordinances: they had been pro- 
posed under his administration, discussed at the Council at 
which he was the president, bore his signature, and he could 
not promise to announce their repeal. The King flew into 
a rage, asked what reason he had to believe him capable of 
such recantation, asserted that the June ordinances were his 


MONSIEUR DE LA FERRONNAYS © a11 


work quite as much as the work of the Ministry, reminded 
him that he had kept them three weeks before signing them, 
and seemed very angry that he could be suspected of such 
weakness. Such was the account of M. de La Ferronnays at 
the time, and we may ask how his story can be squared with 
that of M. de Martignac. I do not propose to undertake 
the task; I quote the words as I received them, and have 
stated my authorities. 

I remember that in the course of that summer I was stay- 
ing in the country with Mmes. Nansouty,’ de Jumilhac, and 
with the Duc de Raguse. We were amusing ourselves by 
recalling the events of the Empire and comparing our various 
impressions of them. ‘The Marshal spoke from the point 
of view of the army, Mme. de Nansouty as a member of the 
Imperial court, Mme. de Jumilhac as one of the absolute 
Royalists of the Opposition, and I myself as a Constitutional 
Royalist. We kept saying to one another, ‘What! you 
believed that?” “You hoped this?” “It was ridiculous.” 
pieqiuite-apree:”’ 

This examination of our political consciences pleased us so 
much that two o’clock in the morning found us in warm 
discussion, and we were only informed of the time by 
the lamps which suddenly went out. We said to one 
another: 

“The moral to be drawn from our conversation is that 
the period of revolutions is past. When people of every 
party can thus meet together and laugh at their own ab- 
surdities, there can no longer be political divisions in society, 
whatever may happen. Party spirit is dead and personal 
hatred worn out.” 


1 Adélaide de Vergennes, married in 1802 to Etienne Antoine Marie 
Champion, Comte de Nansouty (1768-1815). He was General of divi- 
sion, First Equerry to the Emperor, colonel-general of dragoons, and 
commander of the Imperial Guard. 


212 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Alas! how utterly false were our prophecies! I by no 
means expected that the keenest animosity of discord was 
about to rise around me, to break even the bonds of friendship 
and to divide families. ; 


CHAPTER XVIII 


Fall of the Martignac Ministry—General outcry against the Polignac 
Ministry—Refusal of Admiral de Rigny—Resignation of M. de 
Chateaubriand—Marriage proposal for the Princesse Louise 
d’Orléans—IIIness of the Duchesse d’Orléans—Ovation given to 
M. de Lafayette in Dauphiné—The Jesuit party defeats the Ultra 
party—The King believes himself able to justify M. de Bourmont 
—Marshal Marmont secures a decision for the Algerian expedition 
—He is completely tricked by M. de Bourmont—The Marshal’s 


fury. 


THE session was drawing to a close, and the King was 
occupied in the task of assuring his ruin. M. Royer Collard 
in his enigmatic style had told the King one day that M. 
de La Bourdonnaye’ was the only deputy who had “remained 
whole-hearted”’ in the Chamber. Charles X. had remembered 
this phrase, and had cherished in his royal heart the idea of 
entrusting his business to this man who had ‘‘ remained whole- 
hearted” before the Chamber. He would have liked to add 
M. Ravez’? to his ministers, but the latter with greater pru- 
dence, after exerting all his power to secure the fall of the 


1Francois Régis de La Bourdonnaye, Comte de La Bretéche (1767- 
1839). He was an officer in Condé’s army during the emigration and in 
La Vendée, deputy in 1815, minister in the Polignac Cabinet in 1829, 
resigned before the ordinances of 1830, and was peer of France. 

2M. Ravez was born in 1770. He was a lawyer at Lyons in 1791, 
and was one of those who defended that town against the Convention. 
When he had taken refuge at Bordeaux he became deputy for the Gironde 
in 1815. He was councillor of state in 1817, under secretary of state to 
the Minister of Justice, Vice-President of the Chamber in 1818, and 
afterwards President. He was First President of the Court of Bordeaux 
in 1824, was re-elected deputy in 1849, and died on September 3 of that 
year. 

213 


214 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Martignac Ministry, declined to enter the Polignac associa- 
tion. Possibly he was also taking measures to advance 
by a less unpopular path, for at that period of 1829 the 
poor King seemed to have made it his business to compose a 
Government of the most unpopular figures to be found in 
the country. The appointment of M. de Bourmont* was 
the finishing stroke: this personage was equally odious to 
the military and civil population. 

It must be admitted forthwith that M. de Polignac, in 
spite of his usual blindness, was greatly staggered when he 
saw the names of the colleagues whom the King had chosen 
for him, upon his arrival from London. He had, however, 
pledged his word, and in any case was too anxious for office 
to think of retreat. A note from M. Pasquier informed me 
on August 7 that all of these formidable names would appear 
in the Moniteur the next day.’ 


1 Louis Auguste Victor, Comte. de Ghaisne de Bourmont (1773-1846). 
He was an officer in the French Guards, and went into exile in 1789, 
fought in La Vendée in 1794, joined Napoleon and entered hisarmy. In 
1808 he was colonel and general of division during the campaign in 
France of 1814. He took service under the Restoration, and com- 
manded a division during the Hundred Days. He deserted the night 
before the battle of Waterloo, an action which is said to have had some 
influence upon the result of the battle. At the second Restoration he 
was rewarded with the command of a division of the Royal Guard. He 
- served during the war in Spain in 1823, was Minister of War in 1829, 
commander-in-chief of the expedition to Algiers, and Marshal of France 
in 1830. He refused to take the oath to the July Monarchy, joined the 
expedition of the Duchesse de Berry in La Vendée in 1832, and served 
Dom Miguel in Portugal. He returned to France in 1840. 

? Ministry of August 8, 1829 (published in the Moniteur on the oth of 
the month): Prince de Polignac, Foreign Affairs; M. Courvoisier, Jus- 
tice; Comte de Bourmont, War; Vice-Admiral de Rigny, Admiralty; 
Comte de La Bourdonnaye, the Interior; Baron de Montbel, Educa- 
tion and Ecclesiastical Affairs; M. de Chabrol, Finance. On August 
23 Admiral de Rigny was replaced by the Baron d’Haussez; on Novem- 
ber 17 M. de Polignac was appointed President of the Council. M. de 
La Bourdonnaye retired, M. de Montbel undertook the Interior and trans- 
ferred his portfolio to M. de Guernon Ranville (ordinance of the 18th). 


THE POLIGNAC. MINISTRY 215 


I went to pay a visit at Lormoy’ to the Duchesse de Maillé. 
I told my news with much sadness. M. de Maillé began to 
laugh, and said that nothing could be more unfounded. 
He had come from Saint Cloud the same morning, and had 
seen M. de Martignac the previous evening, perfectly con- 
fident and making plans for the next session, and the King 
had treated him most kindly. Moreover, the Duc de Maillé 
was too well acquainted with the gloomy, preoccupied and 
agitated face of the monarch when a single change in his 
Ministry was in question, and never had he seen him calmer 
and more light-hearted than upon the previous evening. He 
had played his game of whist and had made jokes the whole 
time, etc. My story would not hold water. In any case, I 
will do him the justice of saying that if he had believed it 
he would have been horrified, and his description of that 
ambitious intriguing nonentity, Jules de Polignac, showed 
that he understood his character. 

When I returned to Chatenay I found the Duc de Mouchy,’ 
who came to invite me to dinner. Although he had just 
come from Paris, he knew nothing of the new Ministry, but 
he did not receive the news with the cheerful incredulity of 
the Duc de Maillé. Yet he had every reason to believe that 

1 Chateau de Lormoy, at Longpont, near Montléry (Seine et Oise). 

? Charles Frangois Armand, Duc de Maillé, born in 1770, first gentle- 
man of the chamber to the Comte d’Artois (1784). He was field-mar- 
shal, peer of France (June 4, 1814), governor of Compiégne (1826), first 
aide-de-camp to King Charles X. He was twice married: (1) to Henri- 
etta Victor de Fitzjames, daughter of the Duc de Fitzjames, by whom he 
had a son in 1789 and a daughter in 1796; (2) to Blanche Joséphine Le 
Bascle d’Argenteuil, daughter of the Marquis d’Argenteuil, by whom 
he had two sons, the Comte Armand de Maillé, born in 1816, and the 
Comte Hardouin de Maillé. 

* Charles de Noailles, Duc de Mouchy, captain of the guards. He 
was the eldest son of the Prince de Poix who died in 1819, and of Louise 
Marie de Beauvau. He had married Mlle. Nathalie de Loborde, by 


whom he had a daughter, Charlotte Léontine; she married Alfred de 
Noailles, who was killed at the Beresina in 1812, 


216 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


M. de Martignac was perfectly safe. He expressed his deep 
sorrow at my news, and added: 

“Perhaps, after all, it will be for the best. The King 
will never be satisfied until he has made a trial of this im- 
practicable Ministry; it has been his dream for ten years, 
and he will inevitably indulge it. Hence it is better that it 
should come sooner than later. When he has convinced 
himself of its impossibility, he will be more ready to support 
another combination, and in any case, a Ministry composed 
of the names you have mentioned will fall before the first 
Chamber that meets.” 

I pointed out to him that Jules was as rash as he was 
imprudent, and might well undertake a struggle with the 
Chamber. He replied: “There is no fear of that; I know 
the King well; he will never be induced to resist the Chamber 
or the Bourse. M. de Villéle has given him a most thorough 
education upon these two points.” 

I repeat these ideas as expressed by two well-known men at 
court, the one first gentleman of the chamber and the other cap- 
tain of the guards, to show that even about the King’s person 
those who were not involved in Polignac’s intrigue could not see 
the nomination of his Ministry without greater or less anxiety. 

The next day the Moniteur published the names that had 
been announced, together with those of MM. de Courvoisier* 
and de Rigny.*” The friends of both were astonished. I 


1 Jean Joseph Antoine Courvoisier (1775-1835). He went into exile, 
and served in Condé’s army. Returned in 1803, became attorney-general 
at Besancon in 1815, deputy from 1816 to 1824, attorney-general at 
Lyons in 1818, Minister of Justice in 1829, and resigned before the July 
ordinances in 1830. 

? Henri Daniel Gauthier, Comte de Rigny (1782-1835). Naval cap- 
tain in 1816, commanded the Mediterranean squadron in 1822, rear, 
admiral in 1825. He was in command of the French squadron at 
Navarino in 1827, became vice-admiral and maritime prefect of Toulon, 
Naval Minister from 1831 to 1834, deputy and Minister of Foreign 
Affairs from 1834 to 1835. 


ADMIRAL DE RIGNY 217 


knew the conqueror of Navarino, and I could not understand 
his appearance in such company. I soon had the satisfaction 
of learning his refusal. He resisted, with a firmness which 
cost him much, the personal solicitations and inducements of 
the King. His convictions must have been very strong to 
induce such boldness, for the authority of the Crown still 
exercised much domination over men’s minds. Moreover, 
Charles X. could be most attractive when he wished to 
succeed; he was able to join frankness and geniality with an 
imposing dignity. 

The respectful resistance which M. de Rigny had offered 
was therefore most creditable. His name had been published 
in the Moniteur in the hope that he might be pledged in 
spite of himself. But he persisted in refusing the post, 
where he thought he could neither do good nor prevent 
harm; these were his own words to myself upon the subject.’ 
My esteem for his action in this instance became the founda- 
tion of a friendship which has grown closer and closer. 
Death has recently torn him from his friends and from the 
country to which he rendered essential services which history 
will some day appreciate. 


*TIn his Histotre de la Restauration Vaulabelle gives a different reason. 
“This admiral had just left Paris, and foreseeing the fall of the last 
Cabinet, he had left a Jetter for our representative at London, who was 
likely to be the chief of the new Government; in this letter he said that 
if the King should summon him to his council, he was anxious to assure 
him that he would have the utmost satisfaction in entering. M. de 
Rigny was appointed. This nomination, however, came to nothing; he 
was the nephew of Baron Louis, to whose inheritance he was looking 
forward, and his uncle demanded his refusal of the post; his resolution 
was also shaken by the general course of public opinion, and, notwith- 
standing the earnest representations of the King, who was anxious to 
have one of the conquerors of Navarino among his new councillors, he 
refused the portfolio which he had at first desired.” (Vaulabelle, Vol. 
VII. p., 185.) M. Pasquier writes; “I know as a fact that he told M. 
de Polignac to explain his refusal, that he had an invincible objection to 
serving in company with M. de Bourmont.” (Mémoires, Vol. VI., p. 189.) 


218 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


The cries of joy uttered by the Liberals upon the refusal 
of Admiral de Rigny became a pretext which was urged 
to secure the consent of M. de Courvoisier. He considered 
himself under a personal obligation to the King for favours 
shown to his father, and he dared not add his objections to 
the general cry of disapproval. He therefore accepted with 
much reluctance the dangerous honour conferred upon him, 
and was careful to state that he would not put his name to 
any unconstitutional measure. He was told that the Charter 
was to be the foundation of the Council’s policy. 

A short time afterwards he said to one of his friends who 
had predicted the coup d’état as inevitable: “You are right. 
Those people deceived me; I now see their intentions. As 
long as I am associated with them they will not perform 
their designs; but if you see me resign, you may be sure 
that I have recognised the impossibility of checking their 
wild imprudence. Unfortunately, they are incapable even 
of seeing the precipice, much less of judging its depth.” 
When, therefore, M. Courvoisier resigned in May, 1830, the 
man to whom he had explained his intentions said to him in 
his turn, “I suppose the coup d’état is near at hand, as you 
have resigned?” ‘The ex-minister pressed his hand without 
reply.’ 

M. de Chateaubriand arrived from the Pyrenees at full 
speed to offer his resignation of the ambassadorship of Rome. 
He vainly begged for the privilege of placing it in his Majesty’s 
hands in person, and was not permitted to obtain an audience. 
On the other hand, I know for certain that every kind of 
temptation was held out to him. He was offered the title 
of duke, a large sum of money to pay his debts, an increase 
of salary, a position.at court for his wife, and in short every- 

1M. Pasquier, who may be the unknown man of whom Mme. de 


Boigne speaks, gives a slightly different account. (Memoires, Vol. VI., ” 
pp. 186 and 226.) 


RESIGNATION OF CHATEAUBRIAND 219 


thing which could tempt the aristocratic and expensive tastes 
of his household, but he turned a deaf ear to these proposals. 

It was not until M. de Chateaubriand had returned a 
number of refusals that M. de La Ferronnays was appointed 
Ambassador at Rome, and that the conversation with the 
King took place which I have already reported. I believe 
that M. de La Ferronnays shared the opinion of M. de 
Mouchy that the King would inevitably indulge his whim 
of having a Ministry to his own liking, with the object of 
discovering its impracticable nature by experiment. This 
whim cost him his crown. 

The Duc de Laval, Ambassador at Vienna, was appointed 
to London in the place of M. de Polignac. He hastily crossed 
France; I remember that I came from Pontchartrain to see 
him at Paris. We could only meet in the courtyard of his 
mother’s house; he came and sat in my carriage for an hour. 
Mme. Récamier, who was with us, has often reminded me 
that I had foretold all that has since happened. I do not 
pretend to any special powers of prophecy, but I was living 
with people who were free from the illusions which blinded 
the Duc de Laval and his party. Any French citizen who 
was sufficiently intimate with him not to fear offence would 
have spoken to him in the same terms. No catastrophe was 
ever more clearly announced than that which was engineered 
with such zealous care by the party which it was to crush. 
The extraordinary fact is that after the fall we who shouted 
warnings with all our strength were accused of driving the 
party over the precipice. Such is human justice. From 
this conversation a coolness began between the Duc deLaval 
and myself. The Ultra party is the least able to bear the 
truth.’ 

A marriage had been proposed between Princess Louise 


1 See in the Appendix at the end of the volume two letters from Adrien 
de Montmorency, Duc de Laval, to Mme. de Boigne. 


220 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


d’Orléans and the Crown Prince of Naples.’ The d’Orléans 
family were very anxious for the match. The Dauphine 
and the Duchesse de Berry shared their views, while the 
King did not seem to be opposed. However, at the Palais 
Royal, the Duc de Blacas, at that time Ambassador at Naples, 
was accused of showing a lack of zeal in the negotiations. 
The Neapolitan sovereigns’ were personally conducting 
their daughter, Christina, Queen of Spain, to her husband, 
Ferdinand VII.,? and-crossed the south of France upon their 
journey. ‘The Duchesse de Berry went south to meet her 
father, and the d’Orléans family followed her example. 

The King and Queen were anxious to conclude the match 
which we desired, but said that the Crown Prince declined. 
He did himself full justice, for he was not worthy of our 
charming princess. It was a heavy blow for the Duchesse 
d’Orléans, who was anxious to see her daughters married. 
She had recently been dangerously ill, and was now con- 
sumed by the fear that she might not see them settled before 
her death. Only personal experience can give any idea of 
the despair throughout the Palais Royal while the Duchesse 
was in danger. The husband, the sister, the children, the 
friends, servants, and footmen would not stir, and dared 

‘Ferdinand II. (1810-1859), King in 1830, married in 1832, Marie 
Christine, Princess of Savoy (1812-1836), and in 1837, Theresa, Arch- 
Duchess of Austria (1816-1867). 

? Francis I. (1777-1830), King in 1825. Married as his second wife in 
1802, Isabella the Infanta of Spain (1789-1848). He was the father of 
the Duchesse de Berry and brother of the Duchesse d’Orléans. 

* Ferdinand VII. (1784-1833). He was King in 1808, was dethroned 
by Napoleon, and restored in 1814. He was married four times: in 
1802 to Maria Antoinette Theresa, Princess of Naples (1784-1806); in 
1816 to Maria Isabella Francoise, Princess of Portugal (1797-1818); in 
1819 to Maria Josephine Amelia Beatrice, Princess of Saxony (1803- 
1829); in 1829 to Maria Christina Ferdinande, Princess of Naples and 
niece of his first wife (1806-1838). She was Queen Regent of Spain 


from 1833 to 1840, mother of Queen Isabella II. and of the Duchesse de 
Montpensier, and grandmother of the Comtesse de Paris. 


MONSIEUR DE LAFAYETTE 221 


hardly look at one another. The Duc d’Orléans, usually 
the most self-controlled of men, completely lost his head. 
He could not hide his grief even at his wife’s bedside; yet 
every five minutes he would rush into the next room asking 
everybody the questions which he put to the doctors every 
moment, and which were calculated rather to confuse than 
to enlighten them. I have never seen any one more com- 
pletely upset. The Duchesse d’Orléans, however, perceived 
the fact, and devoted herself to calming his mind. When 
she was convalescent she said to me: 

“T earnestly prayed God to preserve me to my husband, 
but I also thank Him for the opportun'ty of seeing how 
beloved I was to him.” She might have added “and how 
useful.”” She was certainly the guardian angel of the house 
of Orléans. 

While our Princes were travelling in the south with their 
Neapolitan family,, whose carriages and dress excited the 
astonishment even of our most uncivilised provincials, 
another traveller was providing employment for the hundred 
mouths of fame, or, to speak less metaphorically, for a hundred 
newspapers. M. de Lafayette had been to see his grand- 
daughter, who was living at Vizille with her father-in-law, 
M. Augustin Périer.* Public opinion was so anxious to find 
some object upon which to vent its displeasure that this 
very natural visit became a political event. The veteran 
of the Revolution was féted at Vizille, Grenoble, Valence, 
and Lyons—in fact, the whole of his return journey to Paris 
was one continual ovation. M. de Lafayette was not the 
man to shrink from these honours, even if the demonstration 
had been more proletarian than it was. It must be ad- 
mitted that the Opposition at that moment was recruited 


1 Augustin Périer (1773-1833), son of Claude Périer,deputy in 1827 
and 1830. He was raised to the peerage on May 16, 1832, on the death 
of his illustrious brother Casimir Périer. 


222 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


from the most capable and honourable men of the country, 
and any opportunity of displaying the fact was eagerly seized. 

A short time previously, the death of General Foy,’ an 
eloquent member of the Opposition, had become the occa- 
sion of starting a subscription in support of his children, 
who had been left penniless. M. Casimir Périer’ had been 
the first to put down his name, and within a week the million 
which was required had been collected. ‘This success had 
given rise to proposals for another subscription intended to in- 
demnify those people who refused to pay the taxation illegally 
demanded. A coup d’état was foreseen, though its nature 
was unknown, and preparations were made for resistance. 

In justice it must be said that preparations for resistance 
were a provocation, and I do not propose to defend these 
demonstrations. ‘They were wrong, and it is not permissible 
for any one to assume that a Government will ever pass 
legal limits, and to make the supposition an excuse for illegal 
conduct. If, however, such conduct is ever excusable, it 
was then. The past history of those who held the King’s 
authority gdve every reason to suspect their intentions, and 
the language of their known and recognised channels of 
information showed that they had changed in no respect. 
The members of the Congregation and the Ultras sang 
hymns of triumph everywhere. They were not, however, 
entirely agreed upon their future action. Soon the former 
won the day, and it was thought that M. de La Bourdonnaye 


1 Maximilien Sebastien Foy (1775-1825). Brigadier-general in 1809, 
general of division in 1810, inspector of the twelfth division of Nantes 
under the Restoration in 1814; commanded a division at Waterloo, and 
was deputy in 1819. 

? Casimir Périer (1777-1832). An officer in the Italian army, and 
banker at Paris in 1801. He was a judge in the commercial court, 
governor of the Bank of France, and deputy in 1817. In 1830 he was 
President of the Chamber and a minister holding no portfolio. In 1831 
he was President of the Council, and died of cholera in 1832. 


MONSIEUR DE BOURMONT 223 


was not sufficiently enthusiastic in support of the clerical 
party. He was himself horrified by the outrageous proposals 
which he heard, and the appointment of Jules de Polignac 
as President of the Council provided him with a pretext for 
requesting that permission to resign which the party were very 
ready to grant him. 

Finally, to conclude the series of names hateful to the 
country, and to complete the exasperation of the nation, M. de 
Peyronnet took his place as Minister of the Interior.’ 

A lady who was very intimate with M. de La Bourdonnaye 
reproached him for resigning at so critical a moment in a fit 
of childish disgust at the title conferred upon Jules. He 
replied that this accusation was wholly erroneous, and that if 
the Council had pursued his policy he would have continued to 
serve under any President. “But yousee,” he added, “when 
you are playing for your life you must hold good cards.” 

This observation, which I know to have been made, con- 
firms the revelations of M. Courvoisier. It shows how far 
the ordinances were premeditated, and how their probable 
result had been foreseen by all whom the wrath of God had 
not stricken with irremediable blindness. I feel bound to 
relate another fact which will illustrate the extent of the 
King’s delusion: those who have not lived in our age will 
hardly believe the story, which is none the less scrupulously 
accurate. 

M. de Bourmont, after fighting bravely in La Vendée, had 
made a private peace with the Emperor, had abandoned, 


1 This is not wholly accurate. The retirement of M. de La Bourdon- 
naye took place in the month of November, 1829. M. de Peyronnet 
took the portfolio of the Interior in May, 1830. ‘The Cabinet was thus 
modified after the dissolution of the Chamber on May 16. M. de Chan- 
telauze replaced M. Courvoisier in the Ministry of Justice; M. de Mont- 
bel passed to the Exchequer in place of M. de Chabrol, who resigned; 
and Baron Capelle, prefect of Versailles, entered the Cabinet as Minister 
of Public Works, a portfolio created especially for him. 


224 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


some say had betrayed, his comrades, and had taken service 
in the imperial army with somewhat suspicious alacrity. In 
1814 he had been among the foremost to salute the white 
flag. In 1815 he had accompanied Marshal Ney to Dijon, 
had obtained the command of a brigade from the Emperor, 
deserted the evening before Waterloo, and had carried full 
information upon the plan of campaign and the disposition 
of the army to the.enemy. During the famous trial of 
Marshal Ney, M. de Bourmont gave evidence against him 
before the Court of the Peers, and the Marshal in his turn 
accused him of helping to draw up the proclamation which 
he then denounced. All these statements, true or false,were 
generally admitted, and secured for M. de Bourmont the 
title of traitor, an honour which was undisputed and which 
the Press turned to advantage every morning. 

One day in this year 1829, the King said to the assem- 
bled Council: ‘By the way, gentlemen, it is time that this 
outcry about Bourmont came to an end. No one knows 
better than myself how unjust it is, and I authorise you to 
state that in every action for which he has been reproached 
he was merely carrying out my secret orders and my express 
commands.” 

M. de Bourmont shuddered from head to foot, and every 
member present looked upon the ground when he heard this 
extraordinary defence. As for the King, he conscientiously 
believed that no action could be dishonourable when he had 
commanded it, and that his orders would justify any step. 
The instincts of Louis XIV. were still so strong that he felt 
no scorn even for people who would have lent themselves to 
any task. Obedience was the first duty. 

On leaving the Council M. de La Bourdonnaye related this 
occurrence to a friend who told me of it the same day. In 
course of time it became known to every one who kept himself 
abreast of politics. M. de Bourmont probably induced the 


MARSHAL MARMONT 225 


King to abandon any further defence of the kind, for he 
made no more reference to the subject. 

None the less, the General felt the difficulty of his position, 
and was anxious for an opportunity to rehabilitate himself 
in public opinion. He knew that he was a courageous man 
and thought himself a good soldier. A small war would 
have suited his views entirely, but he did not know where to 
begin one. He thought of Algiers, and threw out a sugges- 
tion which was rejected by the whole Council. Though he 
kept silence, however, he did not renounce his plan. 

Towards the end of December, Marshal Marmont, whose 
pecuniary embarrassments had kept him in the country for 
several months, came to spend a few days at Paris. Bour- 
mont spoke to him casually of his views upon Algiers, of the 
difficulties which he had encountered, and hinted that he 
had thought of Marmont as the commander of the expedi- 
tion. The Marshal’s warlike ardour was immediately 
inflamed: he already saw himself known as Marmont of 
Africa, and promised to overcome every obstacle. He went 
home, surrounded himself with books, maps, lists, returns, 
and documents of every kind, and when he had made himself 
an authority upon the subject, he proceeded to attack the 
King. He found the King inclined to give way, though 
not to adopt all his plans. M. de Polignac rejected them 
with his usual suavity. The Dauphin offered a vigorous 
opposition, and the Admiralty declared that the expedition 
was impossible unless preparations were made for at least 
a year. Any one else would have regarded the matter as 
hopeless, but the Marshal only pursued his object with the 
greater vigour. He secured the help of Admiral de Mackau.* 


1 Ange René Armand, Baron de Mackau (1788-1855), naval officer, 
deputy for Lorient in 1830. Vice-admiral in 1837, peer of France in 
1840, Naval Minister from 1843 to 1847, admiral in 1847, and senator 
in 1852. 


226 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


They set to work together, and produced a memoir showing 
that the impossibilities of the sea passage were not insur- 
mountable and that the difficulties of land operations were 
non-existent. M. de Bourmont had raised objections to 
all operations by land in order not to frighten the Dauphin, 
but he was very ready to help in the task of proving that these 
difficulties could be surmounted. 

The proposal seemed to be taking shape, and the Marshal, 
with his usual candour, secured a frank explanation with 
the Minister of War. He told him that if he wished to 
command the expedition himself, as he might very well do, 
he would abandon all claim to command, but would continue 
to do his best to secure the success of the enterprise; if, on 
the other hand, Bourmont did not wish to go, he begged for 
the responsibility of command. The minister loudly as- 
serted that he had no intention of going, and that in any 
case he would be delighted to serve under the illustrious 
Marshal; he showed that the presence of the Minister of 
War was indispensable at the centre of business throughout 
the conduct of the expedition, and concluded by stating that 
though much glory was to be gained in Africa, his political 
duties would oblige him to sacrifice all hope of military 
fame to the business of his office. He then went over the 
names of all those rivals who might have disputed the 
Marshal’s claim, and discovered so many objections in each 
case that the name of the ultimate commander-in-chief was 
obvious, provided that the objections of the Dauphin to the 
expedition could be overcome. The Marshal promised him- 
self to spare no pains. Bourmont pretended to be dragged 
into the affair, and provided the Marshal with the strongest 
arguments. ‘The latter was most grateful for this kindly 
attempt to bring him forward, related his good fortune 
every day, and was somewhat astonished at my incredulity. 

I had heard that the Dauphin wearied of his importunity, 


MARMONT TRICKED 227 


and had said when he saw him going out, “Work away. If 
you succeed, at any rate it will not be for your own advan- 
tage.’ The incident was told me in confidence, and I could 
not repeat it to the Marshal, but I attempted to arouse his 
misgivings upon the probable result of his efforts. At one 
time he would tell us that such and such a lady in attendance 
upon the Dauphine had asked him to take her son; at another 
time that a certain aide-de-camp of the King wished to serve 
under him, etc. Finally, his success seemed to him certain. 
The expedition had been decided, the staff appointed, and all 
that was wanting was the publication of the commander’s 
name in the Moniteur, but this publication never took place. 

I remember one Saturday evening saying to him, “Take 
care, Marshal, not to pledge yourself too deeply. You might 
easily be tricked by M. de Bourmont.” 

He accused me of prejudice against a man who had been 
deeply calumniated, but was at bottom thoroughly loyal, and 
quoted Bourmont’s treatment of him as a proof. I smiled 
incredulously. 

“Well, what should you say if I were appointed to-morrow 
and if the King announced the fact on leaving Mass?” 

“T should say that I was delighted to find myself in the 
wrong; but I do not think it probable.” 

“Well, if I bring you the letters of command will you be 
more incredulous than St. Thomas?” 

The King said nothing on Sunday, Monday, or Tuesday, 
which days passed without bringing the letter. M. de Bour- 
mont continued to flatter the Marshal, but M. de Polignac, 
who was somewhat less treacherous, displayed some coldness. 
At length the Marshal resolved to find the Minister of War 
and point out to him that the success of the expedition now 
depended upon the nomination of its commander. The 
General agreed, and then stammeringly explained to the 
Marshal his deep regret that the Dauphin absolutely insisted 


228 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


that he should himself take the supreme command; the 
Dauphin’s consent could only be secured at that price. The 
Marshal saw how he had been mystified. M. de Bourmont 
had dexterously employed his zeal and his military knowl- 
edge to remove all the obstacles which opposed his wishes 
and to overcome the objections of the Dauphin without dis- 
pleasing him. These objections were due, I think, to his 
jealousy lest the influence which he thought he possessed 
among the troops might be weakened. He recognised that 
he could not undertake a campaign upon the coast of Africa, 
and feared the success of another general; for, as I have 
said, the Dauphin was persuaded that he had great military 
talents. 

Marshal Marmont had accepted the congratulations of the 
whole court and of the army. ‘The promises which he had 
made now appeared ridiculous. He had ordered an outfit, 
and in short it was obvious to every one that he had been 
trapped, while the Dauphin was not sparing of his sarcasm. 
Any one who knew the character of the Duc de Raguse may 
easily understand his fury. He saw the dreams of glory upon 
which he had lived for several weeks now destroyed in the 
most outrageous manner, and he could not hide from himself 
that it was he who had secured the decision for the expedi- 
tion, had removed all obstacles, smoothed away all difficul- 
ties, and induced all objectors if not to support the enterprise, 
at least not to oppose it. 

His common sense had always prevented him from lending 
any active support to the policy of the Polignac Ministry, 
but after this adventure personal discontent was added to 
his other objections, and he did not hide his ill-feeling. His 
obligation to the King did not allow him to resign, but he 
only appeared at court when he was absolutely obliged by 
duty, and held entirely aloof from the ministers. Such was 
his situation when the events of the month of July obliged 


MARSHAL MARMONT 229 


him to sacrifice himself for principles which he detested and 
for people whom he did not like. 

My knowledge of this affair made me pity him yet more 
deeply for the fate which pursued him. As women are 
apparently always enthusiastic when they take a work in hand, 
even women who believe themselves entirely disinclined to 
enthusiasm, I undertook the task of combating his destiny, 
and for many months, I might say years, I earnestly did my 
best to bring public opinion to a juster standpoint in its 
criticism of the Marshal. In this task I was helped by some 
sincere friends, and we should have been successful, but 
the Marshal himself, like all imaginative men, was too 
changeable a character to preserve for any length of time 
that austere and tenacious attitude which a calumniated 
individual should adopt. 

I only knew him as an intimate social friend, but it was in 
_ a society where wit and intelligence were of the first impor- 
tance. Of these he had a large share. He also possessed a 
great fund of geniality. I think I have referred to his candour 
which made him a most attractive character. But he was 
incapable of that consistency which can defeat calumny 
and prove its injustice by meeting it with the cold dignity 
which is the only defence of a strong character. I have been 
forced to admit that the Marshal himself was a greater 
obstacle to the success of my chivalrous enterprise than any 
one else. In any case, one must help one’s friends as they 
wish to be helped; and so, while preserving a deep friendship 
for him, I resigned myself to see him squander the remainder 
of a life which I would gladly have rendered useful to the 
country. I now return to the events of 1830. 


CHAPTER XIX 


New Year’s Day, 1830—Charity ball at the Opéra—Royal session at the 
Louvre—The King drops his hat and the Duc d’Orléans picks it 
up—Will of the Duc de Bourbon—The African expedition—Ob- 
servation by M. de Bourmont—The King and Admiral Duperré 
—Journey of the Dauphin to Toulon—MM. de Chantelauze and 
Capelle join the Ministry. 


New YEar’s Day was notable for the speech of the nuncio 
to the King, in which he seemed to offer advice in furtherance 
of an Ultramontane policy, to which his Majesty’s reply gave 
a ready response. ‘This circumstance caused a revival of the 
rumours which had been in circulation to the effect that this 
nuncio, Lambruschini,’ assisted by Cardinal de Latil, had, 
with the authorisation of the Pope, released Charles X. from 
the oath which he took upon his coronation. I cannot assert 
that such a ceremony took place, but well-informed people 
believed the fact. 

That same New Year’s Day the King’s Court of Justice, 
led by its president, M. Séguier,? waited upon the wife of 
the Dauphin. The president was about to address the 
customary congratulations, when she cut him short, saying 
in a most haughty tone, “Pass on, gentlemen; pass on.” ® 

1 Louis Lambruschini (1776-1854). Member of the Society of St. 
Barnabas; Bishop of Sabina, Archbishop of Genoa, nuncio at Paris 
(1823), cardinal (1831), and Secretary of State (1836). 

2 Antoine Jean Mathieu, Baron Séguier (1768-1848). Substitute 
attorney-general in the Parliament of Paris; emigrated in 1791, re-en- 
tered the magistracy in 1800; First President of the Paris Court in 1810; 
he was supported by the Restoration, became councillor of state and 
peer of France in 1815, retaining his position under the July Monarchy. 


3The Journal des Debats had published a celebrated and violent 
230 


CHARITY BALL 231 


These two events made a great sensation and gave rise to 
much gossip. So studied an affront to the magistracy of the 
country and so benevolent a reception of anti-national advice 
were two mistakes of serious import; however, the time had 
arrived when such errors followed in rapid succession. 

The winter was extremely severe, and the population 
suffered proportionately; hence public charity.attempted to 
relieve its miseries. ‘ The idea was then first conceived of 
giving a ball at the Opéra, with tickets at the price of one 
louis each, in order that luxury might thus be induced to 
help poverty. The ladies of the court and of the town took 
an equal part in this good work, which was entirely suc- 
cessful and brought in a very considerable sum. The 
inhabitants of the Tuileries had been among the first to 
contribute, but no one appeared in the box reserved for 
them. On the other hand, the box reserved for the Palais 
Royal was occupied by the whole family of the Duc d’Orléans. 
The Duc d’Orléans and his son went down and mixed with 
the dancers, while the Duc de Chartres took part in several 
dances. This condescension was highly approved, and con- 
trasted strongly with the desertion of the royal box, which 
alone remained empty in the whole theatre. It was by such 
little attentions that the d’Orléans family secured that 
popularity which the other branch rejected even while they 
desired it. 

Usually I am by no means curious to see those ceremonies 
to which the public throngs, but circumstances had made the 


article against the Polignac Ministry which concluded with these words: 
“‘Coblentz, Waterloo, and 1815, these are the three principles of the 
Ministry. Should pressure be brought to bear upon this Ministry, it 
exudes humiliation, misfortune and dangers.”” The newspaper was 
prosecuted, and the editor responsible, M. Bertin, senior, was con- 
demned to six months’ imprisonment and a fine of a thousand francs. 
The Court of Paris had just reversed this sentence and acquitted the 
prisoner; hence the anger of the Princes against the magistrates. 


gA2 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


opening of the session so important an event that I wished 
to be present at the royal sitting. ‘This was held at the 
Louvre, and the details of the spectacle have remained in 
my memory. 

The Duchesse de Duras, of whom I have so often spoken, 
had at length succumbed beneath an illness which had long 
earned her the title of an imaginary invalid and had en- 
tirely wearied the patience of her husband. He had just 
married as his second wife a kind of Swiss-Anglo-Portuguese 
woman, of whose origin I know nothing: she possessed a 
considerable fortune, which had been able to buy the title 
and the name of Duras. Some weeks after her marriage 
her behaviour had induced her husband to exclaim, ‘‘ Ah! 
my dear, you cannot understand how pleasant it is for a 
husband to find himself more intelligent than his wife.” It 
is certain that :the first Mme. de Duras had given him no 
opportunity for this kind of enjoyment. It was by the side 
of this bride that I found myself upon the day when Charles 
X. made his last speech in public. I could not restrain a 
feeling of terror when he pronounced the threatening words, 
which I cannot precisely recall, asserting his intention to 
maintain his Ministry in spite of the Chambers.* 

Mme. de Duras asked what was the matter with me. 

‘Alas! Madame, do you not hear the King declaring war 
upon the country? And yet it is not for the country that I 
fears 

1 Royal session of March 2, 1830. ‘These are the phrases to which 
Mme. de Boigne alludes: “. . . Peers of France and deputies of de- 
partments, I can rely upon your support to perform the good work 
which I wish to bring about; you will reject those treacherous insinua- 
tions which certain malcontents are industriously spreading. If the 
forces of intrigue should raise obstacles against my Government which I 
cannot now foresee, I shall find strength to surmount them in my reso- 
lution to preserve the public peace and in my just confidence in the 


French and in the love which they have always shown for their kings.” 
(Moniteur of March 3, 1830.) 


ROYAL SESSION Bae 


Five minutes afterwards, as we were about to go away, she 
said to me: 

“You must have misunderstood. The Duc”—as she 
called her husband in her middle-class way—‘“‘told me this 
morning that he had read the King’s speech; that it was 
excellent, would put an end to all difficulties, and silence all 
who cried out against the King.” 

‘“‘So much the better, Madame.” 

It is not on account of any personal importance attaching 
to these words that I relate this dialogue, but in order to 
show the state of feeling within the Tuileries. MM. de Duras 
was at that moment on service as First Gentleman of the 
Chamber, and his wife lived in the palace with him. Con- 
fidence in that quarter was as complete as it was blind. 

King Charles X. was entirely gracious in a drawing-room, 
and held his court in noble style, but at public functions 
he was absolutely undignified. His brother Louis XVIII., 
notwithstanding his strange bearing, succeeded much 
better upon these occasions. Charles X. had a shrill voice 
without resonance, did not pronounce his words clearly, and 
read his speeches clumsily. Upon these occasions his usual 
gracefulness abandoned him. Accidental circumstances also 
contributed to hamper him: as he was very short-sighted, 
his speeches were written out for him in a large hand, and 
hence it was necessary for him to be constantly turning 
pages, which did not add to his dignity. Upon that day, 
when he reached the threatening phrase he attempted to 
raise his head in a more imposing manner while he turned 
his page. During this gesture his hat fell off, and its diamond 
ornaments brought it heavily to the ground at the feet of the 
Duc d’Orléans. The latter picked it up, and held it until 
_ the end of the speech. The circumstance was remarked by 
many people. 

In the evening I went to the Palais Royal, and myself 


234 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


mentioned the incident of the hat. ‘The Duchesse d’Orléans 
caught my arm. 

‘‘Oh, my dear, do be quiet. Can it have been noticed? 
The Dauphine has also observed it. I did not dare to look 
at her, but I am sure she was vexed. I hope that there will 
be no talk about it.” 

Mademoiselle added, ‘‘Let us only hope that the news- 
papers will not make the matter a subject of silly comment.” 

This little incident caused the more sensation at the Palais 
Royal, for the following reason: On January 6 of each year 
the Princes were accustomed to go to the King’s house 
to draw pieces from the cake; upon that occasion the bean 
had fallen to the lot of the Duc d’Orléans, and the Dauphine 
had shown some ill-temper at the fact. Thus a kind of 
presentiment had been formed which was shared by the 
whole country. People who were very far from desiring the 
overthrow of the elder branch, when they saw the deplorable 
entanglement into which its members gaily plunged, could 
not help crying out, ‘‘Cannot these people see that they are 
paving the way to the throne for the d’ Orléans ?” 

Itis only fair to say that if the old prejudices of the Dauphine 
recurred from time to time, her conduct was constantly dictated 
by sincere friendship for the Duchesse d’Orléans. Of these 
feelings she had given a striking proof some time before. 

The Duc de Bourbon continued the unfortunate and 
dissolute mode of existence which he pursued throughout his 
life. In his old age he had fallen under the influence of a 
creature whom he had brought back from England and 
had married to an officer of his household, who is said to 
have thought he was marrying the Prince’s natural daughter 
and not his mistress. However this may be, Mme. de 
Feuchéres* became sovereign mistress at Chantilly and at the 


1 Sophie Daw, Baronne de Feuchéres (1795-1840). In 1822 her hus- 
band, who had thought that he was marrying the natural daughter of the 


WILL OF THE DUC DE BOURBON 235 


Palais Bourbon. She drove out the Comtesse de Reuilly, 
daughter of the Duc de Bourbon, and exerted the most 
despotic rule over all about her. 

The immense fortune of the Prince was at her disposal. 
The nearest heirs were MM. de Rohan Guémenée, her 
cousins german, who took precedence of the d’Orléans 
family. There was a wish that the property of the house of 
Condé should be united upon the same heir while remaining 
in the house of Bourbon, and it was hoped that for this 
purpose the Duc de Bourbon would adopt one of the children 
of the Duc d’Orléans,* whose godfather he was, and give him 
his title and his fortune. ‘The Palais Royal was most anxious 
to secure this result. Charles X. desired it, as also did the 
whole of the royal family, but the only possible means of 
success was through the influence of Mme. de Feuchéres. Her 
command of the old Prince was absolute, and the first con- 
dition that she made was that she should be received at court. 

In view of the well-known strictness of the Dauphine, 
this seemed to be an impossible concession. But as soon 
as the Duchesse d’Orléans had ventured a word upon this 
subject, she said: 

“Certainly, cousin. I am sorry that there should be no 
other way of inducing the Duc de Bourbon to do justice and 
to perform an action as right for him as for you, but things 
being as they uniortunately are, there is no reason to hesitate, 
and I will undertake to speak to the King.” 

Mme. de Feuchéres was presented, the Dauphine treated 
her kindly, and the will was signed. I can well believe 
that it suited the ideas of the Dauphine that Chantilly should 
remain in the hands of a Bourbon, and that the title of Condé 


Duc de Bourbon, discovered her real position and separated from her. 
The scandal was such that the Baronne could not venture to reappear 
at court (1827). 

‘The Duc d’Aumale. 


236 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


should be perpetuated in her family. It is, however, none 
the less true that in the case of this incident she displayed 
much kindness and affection towards the Orléans Princes. 

The address from the Chamber was conceived in a spirit 
as little conciliatory as the speech from the throne. The 
King considered that he had been insulted, and prorogued 
the session, reasserting his invincible intention of carrying 
out his action. ‘The deputies returned to their provinces to 
prepare for the new elections which seemed inevitable. 

Justice must be done to the Government, and especially to 
the executive. So soon as the expedition to Algiers had 
been determined, preparations were carried on with such 
extraordinary zeal and activity that the expedition was ready 
in six weeks in place of the year which all had asserted 
would be necessary. ‘The success of the enterprise proved 
that nothing was wanting. ‘The strongest partisans of the 
Ultra party had set all their hopes upon this African cam- 
paign. General Bertier de Sauvigny said when he entered 
his carriage, ‘We are going upon a skirmishing expedition 
against the Dey, but the war proper will take place upon 
our return.”’ There is no doubt that the leaders expected 
to bring back an army so devoted as to be ready to maintain 
absolutism. 

It has been said that if M. de Bourmont had been in 
France he would have been able to stop the ordinances of 
July. I have no doubt that he would have preferred to see 
them better prepared and better supported, but I do not 
think he would have blamed them. I have in my mind an 
anecdote which allows me to hesitate but little on this subject. 

Although he was no friend to the Polignac Ministry, M. 
de Glandevés, governor of the Tuileries, was on intimate 
terms with M. Bourmont. He found him at home on the 
evening of his departure. 

“Are you not uneasy,” he said, ‘“‘to leave the country in 


ADMIRAL DUPERRE 237 


this situation, in view of what might take place during your 
absence ?”’ 

‘Yes, Iam uneasy because I have not sufficient confidence 
in the firmness of our Cabinet. There is no great cleverness, 
but little unity and still less goodwill. The fact is, my dear 
Glandevés, to start the machinery without shock or danger 
we need but use one little word of four letters, ‘Dare.’ This 
word sums up the only possible policy for the moment.” 

“T am very far from sharing your doctrine, and am much 
frightened by your profession of it,” replied Glandevés. 

M. de Bourmont replied only by a smile of confidence. 
I think this was the last time that M. de Glandevés ever 
saw him. 

The command of the squadron had been offered to Ad- 
miral Roussin,’ who refused it. His action was dictated 
by some slight repugnance to join his fortunes with those of 
Bourmont, and by this conviction that the preparations could 
not be finished in time to reach the coast before the stormy 
season. 

Admiral Duperré’ hesitated for a long time before con- 
senting to undertake the responsibility of this enterprise. 
The information at the disposal of the Naval Ministry repre- 
sented the undertaking as extremely hazardous, and past 
experience did not promise any successful result. The even- 
ing before his departure Admiral Duperré secured an audience 
of the King. He explained all the difficulties of disembarka- 


1 Albin Reine, Baron Roussin (1781-1854). Cadet in 1801, naval 
lieutenant in 1807, captain of a frigate in 1810, of a line-of-battle ship in 
1814, rear admiral in 1822, peer of France in 1832, Ambassador at Con- 
stantinople 1832-1834, admiral 1840, Naval Minister. 

2 Victor Guy, Baron Duperré (1775-1846). Ensign in 1795, lieuten- 
ant in 1802, promoted to captain in 1808 for a brilliant exploit, Baron in 
1810, rear-admiral in 1811, maritime prefect at Toulon during the 
Hundred Days, vice-admiral in 1823, admiral and peer of France in 
1830; minister under the July Monarchy. 


238 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


tion, the obstacles presented by this coast and by the sea in 
the way of communication between the ships and any portion 
of the army when set on shore, the possibility that many 
days might pass when communications would be utterly cut 
off, and when the troops disembarked would be deprived of 
munitions of war and their safety proportionately endangered. 
When he had enumerated all the anxieties of the enterprise, 
the Admiral concluded: 

“Sire, in undertaking this perilous command I have 
obeyed your Majesty’s orders, and shall use my best care and 
watchfulness, and will indeed do all that is humanly possible 
to ensure success. But here before the King I wish to 
testify that I cannot guarantee success, and I should not 
like to be considered as having advised an enterprise which 
seems to me extremely hazardous.” 

“Set your mind at rest, Admiral. You will do your best; 
and if success is not in accordance with our hopes, I shall 
not hold you responsible. In any case, we shall not abandon 
you, and as soon as you have embarked, Polignac and my- 
self will have Masses said every day for your welfare.” 

Duperré was an old sea-dog who would have preferred a 
breeze from the right quarter to all the ceremonies of the 
Church of Rome. ‘Too astonished by this proffer of help to 
speak, he bowed deeply, left the King’s study, and proceeded 
to narrate this dialogue to the person from whom I have it. 

Throughout this time my poor friend Rigny was eating 
his heart out in the solitude of the Mediterranean. He has 
since agreed with me that the Algerian expedition had made 
him deeply regret for some weeks the political honesty which — 
had induced him to refuse the Naval Minister’s portfolio, the 
more so as he had seen that the Minister of War found his 
portfolio no obstacle to assuming the command of the army. 
Rigny was the youngest and most adventurous of our admirals. 
To undeniable personal ambition he united a passion for 


THE DAUPHIN AT TOULON 239 


the glory of his country, which further urged him to more 
brilliant enterprises. I have often heard him say that he 
would not die in peace until he had seen the French flag 
flying at Mahon and at Porto Ferrajo. Unfortunately, it 
does not float above either of these places, and the mistake 
of a doctor brought Admiral de Rigny to his grave before he 
had reached his fiftieth year. 

The Dauphin went to Toulon to be present at the departure 
of the army. He was most certainly vexed by “the grandeur 
which confines him to the shore,’ showed his feelings by 
redoubled discourtesy and surliness. He remained but a very 
short time at Toulon, and his unpopularity was general. 

His journey was undertaken, moreover, with another 
object, this being the conquest of M. de Chantelauze,’ and 
the Prince started for Grenoble to accomplish this great 
work. I cannot say why he had been inspired by so much 
confidence in this M. de Chantelauze, a man entirely unknown 
to the public; he had already refused the portfolio of the 
Judicature, and the Dauphin now succeeded in securing his 
acceptance. The King consented at that time to receive the 
resignation which M. de Courvoisier had been trying to give 
for some time, but which he insisted upon tendering when the 
dissolution of the Chamber had been settled. Three days 
after a decree to that effect had appeared the Cabinet was 
partially reconstituted. M. de Courvoisier and M. de 
Chabrol, the most moderate members of the Council, were 
replaced by M. de Chantelauze, who was not too well known, 
as recently M. de La Bourdonnaye had been replaced by 
M. de Peyronnet, whose reputation was notorious. If the 
King had sought throughout the whole of France to find the 


1 Jean Claude Balthazar Victor de Chantelauze (1787-1859).. Attor- 
ney-general at Douai, first president at Grenoble in 1829, minister in 
1830; signed the July ordinances, and was condemned to perpetual 
confinement in 1831, but was pardoned in 1837. 


240 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


man and the name which could do the greatest injury to the 
Crown, he could have made no better choice than M. de Pey- 
ronnet. ‘The hostility, however, between the King and the 
country had risen to such a pitch that the chiefest enemies 
of the one became the favourites of the other. 

When relations are so far strained, it only remains to 
arrange the day of battle. The day unfortunately arrived 
only too soon, for it was inevitable. In my opinion the 
Throne at this time was chiefly to blame, although during the 
Ministry of Martignac the Chambers and the country were 
also in fault. All have been punished according to their 
deserts, and those to whom the throne has fallen are possibly 
to blame for allowing ambitious hopes to grow around them 
unchecked. A place in the Ministry was given to a M. 
Capelle,* who was notorious for his intriguing tendencies. 
He had been guardian to Princesse Elisa, otherwise known as 
Mme. Bacciochi,? when she was reigning in Tuscany, and 
from the time of the Restoration he had been involved in all 
the underhand dealings of the Pavillon de Marsan. Monsieur 
had used him as an electioneering agent for the Ultra party; 
he was supposed to have a certain aptitude for this kind of 
business, and was therefore called forward at a moment when 
the elections were a highly important event. But his intrigu- 
ing powers proved useless. The country had been too deeply 
outraged and irritated and too wantonly exasperated. When 


1 Guillaume Antoine Benoit, Baron Capelle (1775-1843), prefect of 
Livorno in 1808, of the canton of Geneva in 1810, of Ain on June Io, 
1814, and of Doubs in 1815. He was councillor of state in 1816, general 
secretary to the Ministry of the Interior in 1822, prefect of Versailles in 
1828, Minister of Public Works in May, 1830. He signed the ordinances 
of July, was condemned for contumacy when the ministers were tried, 
and was pardoned. 

* Elisa Bonaparte (1770-1820), educated at Saint Cyr (1784-1792), 
married in 1797 Félix Bacciochi, a Corsican officer. She was Princess 
of Lucca and of Piombino in 1805, Grand Duchess of Tuscany in 1809, 
and lived in Italy after the fall of the Empire. 


THE NUNIT SIR Y: 241 


the deputies had voted an address conceived in a hostile 
spirit to the Polignac Ministry, they had only to present 
themselves to the electors to be appointed by acclamation. 
I am persuaded that neither electors nor deputies had any 
thoughts of overthrowing the throne, but they had strong 
designs upon the Ministry, 


CHAPTER XX 


Abolition of the Salic law in Spain—Impression of the Dauphine—The 
court of Naples at’ Paris—Ball given by the Duchesse de Berry— 
Ball at the Palais Royal—Illness of General de Boigne—His death 
—Conflagrations in Normandy—Insurrection at Montauban— 
Departure of the Neapolitan sovereigns—Moderation of the Dau- 
phine—Capture of Algiers—The July ordinances—The secret kept — 
—Short-sightedness and incapacity of M. de Polignac. 


THE marriage of the King of Spain with Princesse Christina 
of Naples was promptly followed by that declaration known 
as the repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction: women were thereby 
enabled to inherit the crown.’ This measure made a great 
impression upon our court, and especially upon the Palais 
Royal. 

The Duchesse d’Orléans spoke to me upon the subject 
with much bitterness, and felt wounded, both as a Neapolitan 
~and as a Frenchwoman. I remember that she told me that 
this measure was hostile to the other branches of the house of 


1 Royal decree of March 29, 1830, abolishing the Pragmatic Sanction 
of 1713, which had introduced the Salic law into Spain. Women were 
thus declared capable of inheriting. The Infanta, who became Queen 
Isabella II. upon her father’s death, was born on the following Octo- 
ber 11th. The measure was a return to old Spanish custom. ‘The Duc 
d’Anjou, Philip V., descended from the Bourbons of Spain, Naples, 
Parma, etc., had in fact derived his right to the throne of Spain from 
his grandmother, Maria Theresa, daughter of Philip IV. of Spain, and 
from Elisabeth of France, daughter of Henry IV. The Infanta Maria 
Theresa had signed a renunciation of her rights when she married 
Louis XVI., but this had become null and void, as her dowry had not 
been paid. The Salic law originated with the Salian Franks, and de- 
prived women of the possession of landed property. It did not exist in 
Spain, but had been introduced by Philip V. in opposition to the old 


242 


THE SALIC LAW IN. SPAIN 243 


Bourbon, had been regarded as a personal insult by her 
brother, the King of Naples, and had decided him to leave 
Madrid within twenty-four hours. This circumstance has 
always made me suspect the part played by Queen Christina 
in inducing the first decision of King Ferdinand. The 
measure, as every one knows, had been already prepared 
under Charles IV. However this may be, the Duchesse 
d’Orléans told me that the news had been discussed the 
previous evening at the house of the Dauphine. The King, 
the Dauphin, the Duchesse de Berry, and all the d’Orléans 
family had pronounced against this decision. "The Dauphine 
alone had said: 

“Ves, I believe that it is a bad measure, which will dis- 
please both the Government and the family; personally, 
however, I think that the King of Spain is right, and that 
his action is perfectly reasonable.” 

The Dauphine would have been very ready to see women 
permitted to inherit thrones, including that of France. 
However, I am bound to say that she rejected with scorn 
and ridicule proposals offered by some obscure intriguers 
_ to induce her to claim the throne of Navarre. I seem to 
remember, though I cannot positively affirm, that M. de 
Chateaubriand had adopted this idea temporarily, hoping 
national right which had permitted him to succeed legitimately to the 
pipet, the Salic law had fallen into disuse for centuries, from the 
time when the crown passed to Philip V., the Long, in 1316, after the 
death of Louis X., the Stubborn. On February 2, 1317, the States- 
General declared that the law and custom of the country excluded 
women from the succession. Jeanne, the daughter of Louis the Stub- 
born, only retained the throne of Navarre. Hence it seems difficult to 
appeal in support of the Salic law to the particular statute of the House 
of Bourbon, at any rate in its original form. It was only introduced on 
the accession of Henry IV. to the throne of France, and only as a French 
law. 


The actual protestations against the decree of Ferdinand VII. of 
which Mme. de Boigne speaks thus, had little real foundation. 


244 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


in this way to please the Duchesse d’Angouléme. I give 
her that title, as the incident occurred during the reign of 
Louis XVIII. 

The arrival of the court of Naples was the signal for 
festivities. ‘The Duchesse de Berry seemed delighted to 
have her family in her own house, and I have never seen her 
to better advantage than under these circumstances. Her 
father, the King, seemed to have been brought to a premature 
dotage by the inroads of disease, and went out as little 
as possible, preferring the calmer atmosphere within the 
residence of his sister, the Duchesse d’Orléans. 

The Queen of Naples," however, who was fat, plump, 
radiant, and ready to be amused in every possible way, 
availed herself of the good offices of the Duchesse de Berry 
to go round the whole of Paris and visit all the sights. ‘Thus 
our two French princesses were able to share in the reception 
given to their relatives. ‘There were festivities at court, 
and for the first time we saw the d’Orléans family appear 
in the royal box. ‘The evening before the performance the 
King had expressed some slight regret that the box was not 
sufficiently large to contain them as well as their near relatives, 
the visitors. M. de Glandevés, governor of the Tuileries, 
happened to hear these words, made his carpenters work all 
night, and reported to the King the next day that there was 
room in the box for the d’Orléans Princes. ‘The King 
remained astonished for a moment, and then gave way with 
good grace. The delight of the Palais Royal was infinite, 
and their gratitude to M. de Glandeveés was so sincere that 
I have constantly found manifestations of it, even after the 
events of July had entirely changed the situation. 

The Duchesse de Berry gave a magnificent ball in her 


1 Isabella, Infanta of Spain, second wife of Francis I., stepmother of 
the Duchesse de Berry, who was born of the first marriage with the 
Archduchess Clementina. 


THE PALAIS ROYAL BALL 245 


rooms and in those of her children at the Tuileries. I have 
never seen an entertainment better organised. The arrange- 
ment of the apartments necessitated the use of two stories, 
but the staircase, which was not that by which arrivals were 
admitted, had been beautifully decorated; the landings had 
been transformed into comfortable drawing-rooms, and the 
few steps which separated them were so hidden by hangings 
and flowers that the staircase was as crowded as any other 
room, and seemed to form an integral portion of the apart- 
ments. Notwithstanding the exquisite elegance of this ball 
where a brilliant company was gathered in large numbers 
without any confusion, notwithstanding also the excellent 
arrangements and the satisfaction of the mistress of the house, 
gaiety was checked by an instinctive apprehension which 
weighed upon every mind. 

The ball was followed by a most magnificent journey to 
Rosny. I heard many stories of its splendour, but as I was 
not myself present, I shall say nothing of it. I wish I could 
also pass over in silence the entertainment given at the Palais 
Royal upon the. return from Rosny, for my recollections of 
this festival are by no means agreeable. As King Charles X. 
had consented to accompany the King of Naples to the ball, 
it seemed only natural that the entertainment should be 
given in their honour, but the result was very different. . 

When I reached the Palais Royal the neighbouring streets 
were thronged with people. Carriages advanced with much 
difficulty and amid the curses of the crowd. My coachman 
was obliged to turn down ten different streets to make his 
way to the door. When at length he reached the little door 
in the Rue de Lycée, the police, orderlies, etc., were obliged 
to make a kind of sortie and join hands with my attendants 
to deliver me from the crowd and secure my entrance to the 
palace. Within, the throng was little less overpowering. 
Any one who had cared to ask for tickets had received them, 


246 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


and it was with the utmost trouble that the atdes-de-camp 
of the Prince, in conjunction with those of the King and the 
officers of the Life Guards, were able to keep a space of a few 
feet around the royal party. For a long time it was im- 
possible for their Majesties to pass from room to room. I 
was driven by the crowd into the reserved space, where I had 
no intention of venturing, and nearly thrown into the arms of 
the Prince of Salerno... The Duc de Blacas, who was on 
duty, and with whom my relations were not too cordial, had 
pity on me and took me under his protection while one of 
the waves of this multitude passed by. 

I then had an opportunity to: examine the bearing of the 
Princes. The King seemed to be in a good temper, the 
Neapolitans were astonished; the Dauphine seemed dis- 
pleased, as I could understand. ‘The Duchesse d’Orléans 
was vexed, Mademoiselle was embarrassed, while the Duc 
d’Orléans seemed satisfied. This satisfaction was displeasing 
to me, I cannot precisely say why, but I felt afraid and vexed 
and anxious to go away. I returned home at ten o’clock, 
and my mother feared that some accident had happened 
when she saw me arrive so early. I told her that I was too 
fond of the d’Orléans family to be pleased with the entertain- 
ment, and that for the first time I could not help suspecting 
some ulterior projects on the part of the Duc d’Orléans. 

His rooms had been thronged to suffocation by every one 
most displeasing to the King at a moment when he was 
supposed to be giving an entertainment in the King’s honour. 
Then all the gardens were illuminated and thrown open to 
the multitude at a time when the unpopularity of the crown 
was well known to every one. He was continually appearing 
on the terrace in order that the multitude might shout, 


1 Leopold, Prince of Salerno, brother of the King of Naples (1790- 
1851), married Maria Clementina (1798-1881), daughter of Francis L., 
Emperor of Austria. 


DEATH OF GENERAL DE BOIGNE 247 


“Long live the Duc d’Orléans!” These proceedings 
went beyond mere popularity hunting, and wounded me the 
more as they were entirely inopportune. It would have 
been quite natural for the Duc d’Orléans when receiving the 
Kings of France and Naples to pay special attention to his 
royal guests. There was thus a kind of political preoccupa- 
tion manifested by this transformation of an entertainment 
for kings to an entertainment for the people, and I was hurt 
by his attitude. 

In any case, his action bore its fruit. That night may 
be considered as the first rising of the year 1830, so fertile 
in rising. The crowd admitted to the gardens and the 
galleries without supervision eventually became excited by 
the exhortations of certain agitators, and grew so turbulent 
that it was necessary to drive it out by armed force. Must 
we hence conclude, as I asserted in my ill temper, that the 
Duc d’Orléans entertained ulterior projects? The answer 
may be both negative and positive. I am persuaded that 
there was no actual plan of conspiracy, but he was nursing 
what he called “his popularity,” and he was always anxious 
to secure ‘‘a dish for himself,” to use the expression of the 
poor Duc de Berry. 

The day following this ball a letter from Chambéry in- 
formed me that M. de Boigne had been ill and was growing 
worse, and that his doctors were anxious. JI knew him 
too well to venture to pay him a visit without his permission. 
I wrote to him at once in such a way as not to alarm him, 
asking that I might go and see him. He sent a reply stating 
that he had been very ill, and was too weak to write himself, 
but that he was now better; that as soon as he could bear 
the journey he would go and take the waters in the Tarentaise, 
as his doctors advised, and begged me to delay my visit until 
his return about the end of July. Reassured by this letter 
and by others, but not desiring to go out into society, I 


248 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


settled in the country at the beginning of June. I then learnt 
that M. de Boigne, who was said to be convalescent, had 
succumbed on the 2tst to a fresh attack of a disease under 
which he had suffered for many years. This final attack 
had lasted only a few hours, and I was assured that there 
had been no time to send me warning. None the less, I 
regretted that I had not insisted more earnestly upon a visit - 
to Chambéry in the month of May, in spite of the patient’s 
objection. 

For some months a series of incidents had taken place 
which were very remarkable and have never been explained. 
Our northern provinces were devastated by outbreaks of fire. 
The number of these outbreaks was such as to preclude any 
possibility of accident, apart from the fact that design could 
be proved in the majority of cases. Those districts were 
terror-stricken, and the peasants saw incendiaries everywhere. 
The scourge increased and approached the outskirts of Paris. 
Poor shepherds and young girls were accused and convicted 
of the crime of arson. It was obvious that they had been 
misled and imposed upon, but no one was ever able to dis- 
cover by whom. Political parties reproached one another 
for using this culpable trick as a means of exciting popular 
feeling, but with what object I could never understand. The 
only point of certainty in the whole affair is that the facts 
were true and have never been explained. 

The elections for a new Chamber took place, with results 
more and more hostile to the Ministry. The two hundred 
and twenty-one members who had voted for the address‘ were 
all re-elected by acclamation, and in the other colleges the 

‘The address of March 15, in reply to the speech from the throne. 
Speaking of the harmony that should subsist between the political views 
of the Government and the wishes of the people, the address contained 
the famous phrase, “‘Sire, our loyalty and our devotion condemn us to 


tell you.that this harmony does not exist.” (Moniteur of March 10, 
1830.) 


INSURRECTION OF MONTAUBAN 249 


retiring deputies were for the most part replaced by Liberals. 
The Cabinet began to grow uneasy, and anxiously awaited 
the successive nominations, news of which came in by courier 
or telegraph. When an election, which seemed to be favour- 
able, was heard of in the course of a day, the King usually 
took the name of the town for his password, adding to it an 
epithet of satisfaction. 

The college of Montauban elected M. de Preissac,’ who 
had voted for the famous address. But the town mob, at the 
instigation of some members of the Ultra party, attacked the 
electors, pursued M. de Preissac, broke into his house, insulted 
his old mother, wounded those who attempted to defend 
her, while M. de Preissac owed his safety only to flight and 
to the firmness of the Duc de la Force,’ who protected his 
retreat. 

Everybody was very furious at this brutal violation of 
constitutional right. Charles X. conceived the idea of taking 
the name of Montauban as the password, and ventured upon 
a smile of satisfaction at his choice. The Duc de Raguse 
drew himself up with so affronted an air that the King became 
red and stammered: 

““Mont—Mont— Montpellier.” 

“Yes, Sire, I understand; Montpellier,’”’ replied the Duc. 

Nothing further passed, but the two men understood one 
another, and their displeasure was mutual. The Duc de 
Raguse related this incident to me the same evening. It 
seems to me that little touches of this kind often reveal 
men much better than long and detailed accounts of their 
actions. 

* Comte de Preissac, formerly prefect of Gers, deputy for Montauban. 

2 Louis Joseph Nomper de Caumont, Duc de la Force (1768-1838), 
went into exile with the army of the Prince, returned in 1809, and took 
part in the Russian campaign. He became general, member of the 


legislative body in 1811, and peer of France at the Restoration. He was 
military commander at Montauban. 


250 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


As the results of the elections became known the rumours 
of a proposed coup d’état increased in strength. The Duc 
d’Orléans had had a long conversation with Charles X. upon 
this subject at Rosny, and the King assured him with such 
apparent frankness that nothing would induce him to take 
any unconstitutional measure that the deception was com- 
plete. Notwithstanding all the weapons which were prepared 
for legal resistance to a Minister who was detested by the 
country, and notwithstanding all the possible trouble that 
might arise, the Duc d’Orléans was persuaded both then and 
afterwards, as I know from his own lips, that the Crown itself 
was in no danger as long as it abided by the letter of the 
Charter. The Charter, the whole Charter, and nothing but 
the Charter: such was the desire of the country, as ex- 
pressed by himself. 

The lengthy stay of the Neapolitan sovereigns, who were 
established in the palace of the Elysée, began to weary 
the King, who wished to leave Paris for Saint Cloud. ‘The 
Dauphine undertook to ask them upon what day they 
would start home, under pretext of fixing the day when she 
could start to take the waters. ‘The sovereigns were deeply 
wounded by this mode of dismissal, and named an early 
date. ‘The Dauphine had one excuse for this apparent inhos- 
pitality. Her journey had been announced, and she could 
not have abandoned it without difficulty; at the same time, 
she wished to return before the meeting of the Chambers 
could give the signal for those extreme measures against which 
she fought perseveringly though alone. It is strange, and yet 
entirely accurate, to say that she and her husband had exactly 
changed parts. ‘The more he followed the violent exaggera- 
tions of the Ultra party, the more moderate and temperate 
did she become. I was not sufficiently initiated into the 
secrets of their households to learn the reasons for this change 
of conduct, but it is very certain that at this time the Dauphin 


CAPTURE OF ALGIERS 281 


was in favour of extreme measures, while his wife was op- 
posed to anything of the kind. She had no confidence 
in the Polignac Ministry, upon which all her husband’s hopes 
seemed to be set. ‘The Princess went away with the King’s 
promise that no important decision should be taken in her 
absence. The ordinances of July have proved how this 
promise was kept. 

Private business had brought me to Paris one morning, 
and I happened to be in the street at the moment when a 
salvo of cannon announced the capture of Algiers. A loud 
cry of joy ran throughout the town, and I was much struck 
by the general enthusiasm. I had heard those triumphal 
cannons fired many times before, with little effect so far as 
the citizens were concerned, upon occasions of far greater 
importance under the Empire, and was therefore much 
astonished at the personal interest taken by every one in 
this success. Every door or shop was full of the inhabitants 
of the household, and the passers-by stopped people whom 
they did not know to express their satisfaction. It may have 
been that long disuse of this kind of announcement now made 
it the more precious; or possibly the fatigue of the long wars of 
the Revolution and the Empire, and the sacrifices which they 
had exacted from almost every family, had made it impossible - 
to strike the note of national pride so directly. Yet in my 
opinion I think that the popular delight at the entry into 
Algiers was keener than it had been over the entry into 
Vienna or Berlin. I am but giving my own impressions, and 
do not guarantee their exactitude. 

The King wished to return thanks to God for the success 
of his armies, and a solemn Te Deum was sung at Notre 
Dame. Charles X. arrived in all the pomp of royalty, and 
was received with highest ceremony by the Archbishop of 
Paris. His sermon which was faithfully reproduced in the 
Moniteur, promised the King the support of the Holy Virgin 


amo COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


in the crusade which he urged him to undertake against the 
infidels of the interior as well as against those of Africa.’ 
This appeal from the ecclesiastical or Ultra party was 
heard far and wide, and finally exasperated men’s minds. 
The words of the prelate must be added to those circum- 
stances which more immediately contributed to provoke 
resistance to the Government of Charles X. 

This success at Algiers and the hope of turning the general 
satisfaction to account, possibly also a desire to profit by 
the absence of the Dauphine, who was announcing her 
return,” decided the Council to sign the historical ordinances* 
which the King’s secret advisers had long claimed, and which 
Charles X. desired with all his persevering obstinacy. Of 
him, indeed, it might be said with perfect truth, ‘He has 
learnt nothing and forgotten nothing.” 

I have been told that at the last Council, which was held 
on Sunday, these fatal papers were upon the table: their 
purport had been discussed and settled the preceding Wednes- 
day. At the moment of signing them, however, all hands 
seemed to be paralysed. ‘The King’s name had been placed 
beneath them, and in impatience at the general hesitation 
he left the room. ‘Thereupon M. de Polignac, whose heart 
was invariably in advance of his intellect, took the pen and 


‘This is the passage in question: “Thus the Almighty aids the most 
Christian King who asks his help. His hand is with you, Sire. May 
your great soul increase in confidence; your confidence in the Divine 
help and in the protection of Mary the Mother of God will not be vain. 
May your Majesty speedily receive a fresh reward! May your Majesty 
speedily return once more to thank the Lord for other marvels no less 
sweet and splendid!” (Moniteur, July 12, 1830.) 

The Princesse had gone to Vichy. 

* Ordinances of July 25, 1830. They were four in number: (1) The 
suppression of the liberty of the Press except where authorisation had 
been secured; (2) the dissolution of the Chamber which had not yet met; 
(3) a new electoral law providing election in two stages and modifying 
the right of amendment; (4) convocation of the electoral colleges for 
September 6 and 18, and of the Chambers for September 28. 


THE JULY ORDINANCES 253 


wrote the name of Polignac beneath that of Charles. ‘‘Now, 
gentlemen,” he said, ‘‘the signature of the King is legalised 
and yours is no longer necessary; you may sign if you like, 
but for myself I do not fear the responsibility of my actions.” 
All hastened to sign forthwith. 

Notwithstanding the secrecy which surrounded this de- 
plorable decision, enough was known to provoke serious 
anxiety. At the same time, those in charge of public affairs 
were so indifferent that the indiscretions of the Ultras and 
of the King’s friends did not attract sufficient attention. 
Yet several priests had spoken, even in the pulpit, of the 
approaching humiliation of the impious. The Jesuits showed 
themselves more exultant than ever, while the council of the 
King’s conscience did not hide its satisfaction, and M. 
Rubichon had revealed to M. Greffulhe the actual text of 
the ordinances, but had been unable to persuade him of their 
reality. The proceeding appeared so extravagant that no 
one would believe it, the more so as nothing showed that 
any measures had been taken to support the proposed revolu- 
tion in the government of the country... 

M. de Rothschild,’ a state banker, who believed that he 
was in the confidence of the Government, went to M. de 
Peyronnet to ask what he was to think of the rumours in 
circulation. ‘The minister expressed his astonishment that 
so sensible a man could attach the least importance to them; 
they could only have been spread by ill-intentioned persons, 
according to him. ‘Moreover,’ he added, ‘‘if you wish for 
material proof of their falsity, look here,’’ and he pointed to 
his desk, which was covered with letters he was signing to 


1 Baron James de Rothschild (1792-1868), son of Baron Mayer An- 
selm de Rothschild, banker, of Frankfort-on-Maine (1743-1812); 
founded the celebrated firm at Paris while his brothers were beginning 
business in Vienna, London, and Naples. He was consul-general for 
Austria at Paris. 


254 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


summon the deputies to the opening of the session. Most 
of these letters were in fact sent off by that day’s post. M.de 
Peyronnet left M. de Rothschild and went to Saint Cloud, 
where the ordinances were signed, while M. de Rothschild 
went into the country to dine with Mme. Thuret, where the 
whole of the diplomatic body had been invited. 

His visit to the Minister of the Interior and the letters he 
had seen upon the desk were the one topic of conversation 
at that dinner, and reassured the minds of the guests. Some 
of the guests stopped at my house as they went home, and 
told me what they had heard. The Moniteur of the next 
morning contained the ordinances. M. de Rothschild was 
not the only man deceived. M. de Champagny, Under- 
Secretary of State to the War Office, who was directing the 
Ministry in the absence of M. de Bourmont, was in the 
country: he did not receive the Moniteur until Tuesday 
evening, and could not reach Paris before Wednesday. ‘Thus 
the Dauphin said, rubbing his hands: 

“The secret has been so well kept that Champagny will 
only learn it from the Moniteur.” ‘The Duc de Raguse, who 
was secretly regarded as the man to support these unsup- 
portable measures, had been kept in the same state of igno- 
rance. 

M. de Polignac had surpassed himself by reason of the 
utter incapacity which he had displayed throughout this 
incident. Almost all the chiefs of the Royal Guard were 
away upon leave, and the military authorities were out of 
Paris. ‘Three of the regiments of the Guard had been sent 
to Normandy to deal with the disturbances occasioned by the 
outbreaks of fire of which I have spoken. In one word, 
foresight or preparation there was none, and the Government 
plunged into these rash measures carelessly and without pre- 
caution. The fact is that their narrow minds were unable 
to see beyond the limits of their own partisanship: neither 


INCAPACITY .OGe POLIGNAC 255 


the King nor his Ministry had any idea of possible obstacles, 
and had taken no measures to arm themselves for a struggle 
which they did not consider likely. 

Such is the explanation of their conduct, and possibly its 
excuse. They thought that they could guarantee the passing 
of measures adapted to the moral interests of France, and 
flattered themselves that they would be supported in this 
pious enterprise by so large a part of the country that the 
handful of opponents would not venture to display any re- 
sentment. Unfortunately, they discovered that the whole 
nation was opposed to them. I say the whole nation, for at 
the outset no single voice, not even among those who ac- 
companied Charles X. to Cherbourg, ventured to justify the 
steps which had plunged him into this abyss. Never was 
sovereign overthrown by greater unanimity of popular 
feeling, 


CHAPTER XXI 


Note written in 1837—March, 1814, and July, 1830—The Moniteur at 
Saint Cloud—The Duchesse de Berry—The Duc de Raguse learns 
of the coup d’état—His opinion—Appearance of the streets—Count 
Apponyi and General Pozzo with M. de Polignac—Differences of 
their opinions—The first popular rising—Strange attitude of M. de 
Polignac—Agitation in the town—The workmen. 


THE following pages were written in July, 1832, at an earlier 
date than the preceding chapters, and at a time when I had 
no idea of beginning this work for my own distraction. 
When I had continued my narrative to the outset of the 
Revolution of 1830, I proposed to read through these pages 
and to compress them into a final chapter. But after re- 
flection I have decided to leave them unchanged. 

I am well aware of their defects, and if I have not sufficient 
cleverness to remove their faults, I have sufficient intelligence 
to perceive them. ‘The style is slipshod, and the narrative | 
lacks proportion. Probably, however, I could never correct 
faults which are due to my ignorance of the art of writing; 
and I should also be afraid of depriving this narrative of one 
merit which it possesses, if merit be not too ambitious a word, 
and which is obvious at any rate to myself. This merit 
consists in the fact that I have gone back to events, and have 
so vividly recalled my impressions of the moment as almost 
to have lived again through the days of July, with their fears 
and anxieties, with their hopes and their illusions. A narra- 
tive of such great events must, I think, be marked in the first 


place by sincerity, and often the trivial detail helps to give 
256 


NOTE OF 1837 257 


that stamp of truth which I seem to find in my story. If I 
attempted to prune away what now seems useless, I could not 
be sure of not removing precisely those touches which give 
actuality and truth. In any case, the events described are 
too important in themselves to require anything more than a 
faithful historian. 

On the other hand, if I remodelled these pages there 
would also be a danger that I might no longer represent the 
days of July as they appeared to my observation. At the 
present time we are feeling the difficulties which necessarily 
arise from a revolution directed against the whole organisa- 
tion of society. We are deafened by the hissing of the 
serpent which the movement has brought forth; I should 
be tempted to look beneath the pavements of Paris, and to 
examine the filth in which these monsters were born, in 
which case I should no longer be the careful chronicler of 
the impressions of the moment. ‘Throughout my narrative 
I have been careful to avoid any presentation of events as 
judged in the light of after history, and have always en- 
deavoured to show them from the point of view from which 
they were regarded at the time of their occurrence. This 
impartiality I wish to preserve in the case of the July 
Monarchy. 

Now my task comes to an end. Hitherto I have related 
such events as I have seen from the stalls, but from 1830 
onwards I have been behind the scenes, and the intricacy of : 
the threads which have been moved before my eyes would 
make it difficult for me to choose between them, and still 
more difficult for me to preserve that impartiality at which 
I aim. Sincerity would upon occasion become revelation. 
We may relate what we have seen or guessed or even what 
we have been told, but never what we have been told in 
~ secrecy. I therefore propose to conclude my work with 
July, 1830. Possibly the habit of scribbling which I have 


258 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


now contracted may induce me to draw up some notes upon 
particular events, though such is not my intention at this 
moment. (March, 1837.) 


In the memorable days of July, 1830, I played no special 
part and was swayed by no special feelings. I shall only 
relate what I have seen for myself or learnt by my own 
observation, and therefore think that I can be entirely 
impartial. 

I have sometimes regretted that I never wrote down the 
events of the month of March, 1814." At that time, as in 
1830, I enjoyed a close view of events by reason of my 
intimacy with several of the actors in these great dramas. 
However, in 1814, either because I was younger or by reason 
of the opinions amid which I had been brought up, I was 
more strongly influenced by enthusiasm and by party spirit 
than in 1830, while my position brought me into contact 
only with the victorious party. In 1830, on the other hand, 
I stood midway between the two parties, inclined to the one 
side by my position, to the other by my reasoning, and to 
both by sympathy. 

In these events I was greatly struck by one point: during 
the first three days in 1814 and in 1830, good feeling, loyalty, 
disinterestedness, and patriotism were predominant. But 
from the fourth day onwards evil passions, ambition and 
personal interest became paramount, and were able in twenty- 
four hours to taint all those influences which previously had 
appealed to the loftiest hearts. The selfishness of certain 
individuals poisoned the generosity of the masses, and here 
we have the sole point of resemblance between these two 
catastrophes. Neither the actors nor the scenes nor the 


1It should be pointed out that when these lines were written in July, 
1832, Mme. de Boigne had not yet conceived the project of writing her 
memoirs, which were not begun until three years later, in 1835. 


DUCHESSE DE BERRY 259 


results during the rapid fall of two suicidal Governments 
have any resemblance. (July, 1832.) 


On Monday, July 26, 1830, I was the only member of 
my family at Paris, and was busy arranging rooms in the 
Rue d’Anjou. I was speaking to the workmen early in the 
morning, when I was informed that the Duc de Raguse was 
in my study. I had never met him in the morning before, 
but as he was living at Saint Cloud, his visit did not astonish 
me. 

“Well,” he said, ‘‘this is a nice business.” 

I thought he was jesting upon the complaints which he 
might have heard me address to my workmen. I replied 
with a smile, and we exchanged several phrases at cross 
purposes. 

Soon, however, I recognised my mistake. His face was 
greatly changed, and he began to speak of those insane 
ordinances. He told me how the news had come to him at 
ten o’clock by one of his azdes-de-camp who had met an 
officer from Paris who was expressing extravagant joy in the 
court of Saint Cloud. Astonished but incredulous, the 
Marshal sent to the staff for the Moniteur, which had not 
been received. He then sent to the chief butler, but he 
did not possess a copy either. Finally he had written to the 
Duc de Duras to ask for his copy. I have seen the answer, 
which stated that only one copy of the Moniteur had reached 
Saint Cloud; that the King had received it, and had sent it 
unopened to the Duchesse de Berry. ‘The Marshal had then 
learnt that the Princess had taken this fatal Monzteur to the 
King when he was getting into his carriage, had almost fallen 
upon her: knees to him, and had kissed his hand, saying: 

“At length you are truly King! My son will owe his 
crown to you, and his mother thanks you.” 

The King had embraced her tenderly, had put the news- 


260 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


paper in his pocket, and gone away to Rambouillet without 
saying a word to any one. 

At Saint Cloud the only knowledge of events was gained 
from people who came out from Paris. The Marshal in 
extreme anxiety had gone to his house in the Rue de Suréne, 
had sent to borrow the Moniteur from M. de Fagel,* his 
neighbour, the Dutch Minister, and had come on to my 
house as soon as he had finished reading it. I give these 
details in full because it is curious to see with what careless- 
ness the rulers withheld information from the man who was 
secretly intended to bear the brunt of the cowp-d’ état. 

After giving these details, he added: ‘They are ruined; 
they know nothing of the country or the age. They live 
outside of the world and of the country. Wherever they go 
they carry their own atmosphere about with them, and all 
attempts to enlighten them are hopeless. We are at the end 
of our resources.” 

“But you are ruined also, my dear Marshal; you will be 
dreadfully compromised by all this. It will destroy your 
only explanation of the events of 1814. You understand, 
as you say, that you were obliged ‘to sacrifice yourself in 
order to obtain liberal institutions for the country. Where 
are those institutions now?” 

The Marshal sighed deeply. ‘Doubtless my position is 
unpleasant,” he replied; ‘‘but while I am sorry for what has 
happened, and especially regret the calamities which are about 
to fall upon us, in view of the good that might so easily have 
been done, I am personally much calmer after reading the 
Moniteur. I do not propose to take any part except so far 
as my military position may oblige me. Resistance, how- 
ever, will be entirely constitutional and moral: they will 
refuse to pay the taxes, and the Government will collapse 


1 General Baron Fagel (1772-1856), Minister of the Low Countries at 
Paris. 


APPEARANCE OF THE STREETS 261 


if the Ministry is not driven out, for which latter event I 
dare not hope. Supposing, however, that open resistance 
should require the interference of the troops, this event 
could only take place at the time of the elections, which are 
appointed for September 3, while my period on duty finishes 
on August 31. The next day I shall have gone twenty 
stages on the road to Italy, and shall remain in that country 
for the whole of the winter at least. I do not wish to find 
myself a second time in a position where there is a conflict 
of duty. You need not therefore feel any special anxiety 
for myself; all our anxiety should be devoted to current 
events.” 

We continued our lamentations, our fears, and our appre- 
hensions, foreseeing disaster to the country, but our prophecies 
were certainly far removed from reality. He left me promis- 
ing to come and spend the following Saturday at my country 
house. I did not see him again! At that moment I thought 
that he ought not to have gone back to Saint Cloud; I 
thought that he might have written a noble letter recalling 
the events of 1814. His position, however, was not suff- 
ciently independent for me to venture upon giving him this 
advice, even assuming that my intimacy with him had been 
as close as absence and misfortune have since made it. 
Moreover, acts of that kind must be spontaneous if they are 
to be effective. 

I went out as usual, and was much struck by the faces I 
met, all of which bore a look of gloomy curiosity. Acquaint- 
ances stopped to speak, while strangers exchanged questioning 
glances as they passed. When an unmoved countenance ap- 
peared people thought to themselves, ‘‘There is a man who 
knows nothing yet.” This description is so true to facts 
that upon the next day, when everybody knew, everybody 
exchanged glances, and their course of action was thereby 
agreed. There was no other form of conspiracy. It was 


262 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


this very unanimity of indignation which produced the ex- 
traordinary magnanimity by which this popular rising was 
marked. ‘The people saw partisans everywhere, even in the 
soldiers who fired upon them. But I must not anticipate 
events, which were proceeding quickly enough. 

In the evening I saw certain people in opposition to the 
Polignac Ministry but attached to the Restoration. All were 
in despair, bewildering themselves with conjecture and ex- 
pecting violent but constitutional resistance. ‘The letters of 
summons had been sent out to the deputies, who were coming 
in from time to time. Was this summons the result of 
habitual carelessness, or were the deputies assembled to be 
the object of hostile fulmination? ‘There was matter enough 
for discussion, and we talked it threadbare. 

The Russian Ambassador was more vehement and irritated 
than anybody: he told us that he had met Count Apponyi 
coming out of the Prince de Polignac’s study very well 
satisfied and intending to send a courier to take the good 
news. Pozzo did not share either this confidence or this joy. 
In his turn he had entered the study, where he had found 
the minister calm and delighted with himself, repeating that 
he was more constitutional than anybody except the King: 
all would pass off excellently, and he simply could not under- 
stand what reason there could be for anxiety. Eventually he 
said: “Set your mind to rest, Ambassador. France is pre- 
pared to accept any of the King’s desires and to bless him for 
them.” 

In the evening some stones were thrown at the minister’s 
empty carriage, and his coachman was hit, though not 
seriously. The carriage returned to the residence, the gates 
of which were closed; the band in pursuit dispersed. Doubt- 
less M. de Polignac was triumphant, and thought that the 
storm had passed over. We separated very late and very 
sad. | 


THE WORKMEN 263 


If I wished to relate all that has since come to my knowledge 
and the details that I have since learnt, I might write for 
ever; I propose to set down merely what I have seen or heard 
myself at that time. There is, however, one fact of which 
I am certain, and it describes the Prince de Polignac so 
admirably that I feel bound to relate it. On Sunday evening, 
when the ordinances had been signed and the Moniteur 
was being printed, M. de Polignac in the privacy of his 
own home, surrounded by people upon whom he could 
entirely rely, turned the conversation upon the speech from 
the throne before the opening of the Chambers. For an 
hour and a half he discussed each word, listening to objec- 
tions and refuting or granting them with absolute seriousness. 
It is difficult to understand how in such a position a man 
bearing so great a weight of responsibility could be calm or 
rather puerile enough to play such a comedy. It is also 
difficult to see what amusement he could derive from thus 
mystifying people entirely dependent upon himself. 

On Tuesday the 27th, I learnt from thirty workmen 
of different professions who were working at my house 
and came from various parts of the town, that the ferment 
was beginning to spread. ‘There was much agitation among 
the workmen, but based upon reasoning so excellent as 
to surprise me. Here I must put down an observation 
made at this time. J had furnished a house in 1819, and 
had employed the same kind of workmen as in 1830; but 
within these ten years the manners, habits, dress, and language 
of these men had so entirely changed that they no longer 
seemed to belong to the same class. I had already been 
greatly struck by their intelligence, by their politeness, which 
was in no way servile, by their ready and scientific mode of 
taking their measurements, ‘and by their chemical knowledge 
of the ingredients which they employed. I was still more 
struck by their arguments concerning the danger of these 


264 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


fatal ordinances, of which they understood both the range and 
also the probable results. If our governors had been half as 
foresighted and prudent, King Charles X. would still be living 
quietly at the Tuileries. 

Doubtless such a population could not be made the milch 
cow of a privileged caste. Any ruler, however, who had 
wished to consider the real interests of the country would 
have found the people as docile as they were intelligent, 
while the common sense of the masses would have supported 
the Government against the extravagance of certain agitators. 
Unfortunately, the King and the nation were of incompatible 
temperaments. 


CHAPTER XXII 


Visit to Neuilly—Regrets of Mademoiselle—Conversation with Mme. 
de Montjoie—Observation of M. de Sémonville—Alarming news— 
The first barricades—Pozzo maintains the right of nations to punish 
perjured kings—M. de Girardin—Appearance of the streets on 
Wednesday morning—Conference with M. Pasquier—Message to 
the Duc de Raguse—Conversation with M. de La Rue, his aide-de- 
camp—Colonel Fabvier—The first cannon shot—Patrol in the Rue 
d’Anjou—The insurgents seek arms. 


THE stories which I had heard had not so far alarmed me as 
to induce me to remain at home. At four o’clock I went out 
in my carriage with the object of doing some shopping in 
the Rue Saint Denis. One of my men asserted that there 
was some disturbance in this direction. I resolved to continue 
my drive and pay a visit to Neuilly. For a few weeks I had 
been in full mourning for my husband, and before going 
back to the country I wished to thank the Princesses for 
the kindness which they had shown me upon this occasion. 

The Duchesse d’Orléans was walking in the park, and I 
had no news for her of sufficient interest to provide an excuse for 
‘ following her. I found Mademoiselle at home in despair about 
the ordinances, much disturbed by the popular agitation of 
which I spoke to her, and very apprehensive lest her brother’s 
name should be compromised. ‘These were her actual words: 

“Had it not been for those two ceremonies, the Mass of 
the Holy Spirit and the opening of the Chambers, at which 
we were obliged to be present, and the wretched snare which 
was set for us, we should have started for Eu on Saturday, 


and should now be out of all this turmoil.” 
265 


266 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


If her intention was to mystify me, she was entirely suc- 
cessful, for even now I am persuaded of her good faith. She 
admitted that the ordinances were bound to produce a 
catastrophe. But, like everybody else, she anticipated re- 
sistance from a class which does not immediately take to 
stone-throwing. Refusal to pay taxes and the impossibility 
of carrying on the Government in the face of a general 
opposition manifested by all legal means seemed to her to be 
the danger of the situation into which the King had plunged. 
We discussed the matter at great length, but no mention 
was made of the remedy which Neuilly was eventually to 
provide for so critical a position. 

From Mademoiselle I went on to Mme. de Montjoie. I 
found her also in a state of great anxiety and uneasiness, 
and much downcast because they were not at Eu. This, 
indeed, seemed to be the impression of the whole household. 
With her I went somewhat further, and we spoke of the 
possible results which such a series of mistakes might pro- 
duce. She repeated what she had said to me a thousand 
times: that the Duc d’Orléans was the most faithful subject 
of the King of France, but that he would not again follow 
him into exile. abroad. We were obliged to admit the 
possibility that his name might be put forward at such 
a time even without his knowledge and against his will. 
During the previous year I had heard people say twenty 
times, in speaking of the King and his Ministers, ‘They are 
paving the way for the d’Orléans.”’ 

Mme. de Montjoie told me with reference to this subject 
an incident which had happened the preceding Wednesday. 
The Duc d’Orléans had a bad cold, and when he came out 
upon the steps from a large dinner he had put on his hat, 
making some excuse. M. de Sémonville' had replied aloud: 


* Charles Louis Huguet, Marquis de Sémonville (1759-1839), council- 
Jor to the Parliament of Paris. He was a diplomatist, and held posts in 


MONSIEUR DE SEMONVILLE 264 


“We will allow you your hat, Sire, while waiting for the 
crown.” . 

“Never, M. de Sémonville, unless it comes to me by 
right.” 

“Tt will be by right, Sire. When the crown is on the 
ground, France will pick it up and will oblige you to wear 
its? 

“Can you imagine M. de Sémonville speaking in this 
way?” added Mme. de Montjoie. ‘I heard his words, and 
ten people could have heard them just as easily.” 

“T understand,” I replied, “that he considers the game as 
lost even more than we do.” 

“Yet if the King was willing, he has still great resources.” 

“Ves, but unfortunately he will not be willing.” 

“Then what will happen?” 

“Who can tell? Doubtless many misfortunes.” 

“Supposing there is a civil war—what about the Duc de 
Chartres, who is serving in the army? What willhedo? It 
is enough to drive one wild.” 

Our conversation continued for some time, but the Duchesse 
d’Orléans did not come in, and it was getting late. I there- 
fore left my kind regards for her with Mme. de Montjoie, 
and returned to Paris. 

There was no premonition of the evening’s tumult in the 
districts through which I passed. Possibly the streets were 
somewhat less crowded than usual. I heard that there had 
been some disorder at the Porte Saint Martin, and gatherings 
in several other quarters. We were so persuaded that this 


Belgium (1790), Genoa and Florence (1793). He was arrested and com- 
promised in the exchange of Madame Royale, daughter of Louis XVI. 
In 1803 he was Minister in Holland. Mme. de Boigne has spoken of 
him in the first volume of her Memoirs, chapter XI., in connection 
with her return to France. In 1805 he was senator and was appointed 
grand referendary to the Chamber of Peers of Louis XVIII. Was 
made Marquis in 1819, and joined the July Monarchy. 


268 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


was not the kind of resistance to be feared that I attached 
little importance to these facts. None of the workmen 
employed at my house had come back since dinner-time. A 
coach-builder, a farrier, and a locksmith, opposite my house, 
had also been without workmen for three hours. ‘This was 
the first incident which roused my apprehensions. 

Soon every quarter of an hour brought fresh news of those 
grave events with which the future was pregnant. ‘The same 
people who had gathered at my house the evening before 
came in one after another, and all brought news of a char- 
acter more and more alarming. I heard that the Duc de 
Raguse was established at the Tuileries. About six o’clock, 
as he drove through a group of people in his tilbury, he had 
run some risk on the boulevards. Barricades had already 
been constructed. They had indeed been destroyed by the 
Guard, but this only seemed to rouse the general agitation. 
It was even said that gun-shots had been exchanged. M. 
Pasquier went to the house of Mme. de Girardin, where there 
were always plenty of visitors, to learn the news. The 
Russian Ambassador arrived. One of his secretaries had 
seen a dead man on the Place de la Bourse and people making 
speeches round the body. 

Pozzo himself might have acted as orator for the purpose. 
He grew excited, and made us a speech upon the irrevocable 
right of nations to oppose the overthrow of their institutions 
and to chastise perjured kings. He was astonished that a 
single man could be found to oppose an insurrection which 
was so obviously lawful, and blamed Marshal Marmont for 
attempting to check it. His vehemence impressed us all. 
We have often remembered it since, when we heard him use 
very different language, and accuse the Duc de Raguse for 
not firing on the inhabitants of Paris that same Tuesday, 
when there was nothing more than some excitement and a 
few gatherings. 


MONSIEUR DE GIRARDIN 269 


M. Pasquier had found the Girardin household alone. 
The wife was depressed and very sad, the husband bombastic 
and loud-voiced, saying that this mob must be dealt with 
once and for all, that the malcontents must be silenced with 
terror, and government conducted by the sword, that there 
was some small temporary excitement which would have no 
consequence, etc. At the same time he confirmed the news 
that the police had charged, and that several people had 
been killed and wounded. A barricade had been constructed 
by the people with an omnibus and some carts overthrown at 
the entrance of the Rue de lEchelle, and had been destroyed 
by the Guard. Blood had been shed before the Palais 
Royal, and M. de Girardin expected the most successful 
results. - 

At the same time we learn that the Place Louis XV., the 
Place Vendéme, and the Carrousel were full of artillery with 
guns loaded and. matches lighted. I was not greatly dis- 
turbed by the news. I had often heard the Marshal say 
that in times of popular excitement a great display of force 
must be made, to strike men’s imaginations and to avoid 
violent measures. We separated about midnight, after 
hearing the reports of two men who had been sent one to 
the Place de Gréve, the other to the gate of Saint Denis. 
All was calm. We were undoubtedly extremely anxious, 
but no one, I think, expected the events of the next day. 

On Wednesday as I went into my house I was informed 
that none of my workmen had appeared; my neighbours 
were in the same position. I did not, however, consider the 
situation sufficiently serious to change my plans, and as I was 
to go back to the country the next day, I wished to call at 
my bankers, MM. Mallet, where I had some business to trans- 
act. I resolved to go out immediately, thinking that if there 
was to be any disturbance it would occur later. I ordered 
the horses to be put in, and entered my carriage about ten 


270 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


o’clock. JI was going into the Rue de Mont Blanc,’ and I 
told my coachman to go down the side streets instead of 
following the boulevards, and to turn back if he saw any 
crowds. I was, however, considerably alarmed. 

From the middle of the Rue des Mathurins and in all the 
side streets the lamps had been cut down and were lying in 
fragments on the pavement. At every door there was a 
group of women and.children with terror-stricken faces. ‘The 
royal ensign which decorated the shop of Despilly, the 
stationer, had been torn down and trampled under foot. 
The porter of MM. Mallet made some objection to opening 
the carriage entrance: at length he gave way, my carriage 
went in, and he closed the gates with a rapidity which did 
not calm my anxieties. I went up to the office, where the 
partners were much astonished to see me. ‘They advised me 
to go home and to stay there. 

While I was signing certain necessary papers they told me 
that at about six o’clock in the morning several bands of 
considerable size had invaded the armourers’ shops and plun- 
dered them without opposition. Street lamps had been 
smashed everywhere, and the royal ensigns torn down from 
the shops over which they were placed. ‘The proprietors, 
indeed, had offered no resistance, but even helped in the 
work. ‘There was some talk of re-establishing the National 
Guard to protect people and property. MM. Mallet had 
already been to the Mayor’s house on this business. They 
proposed to return, and hoped that before the end of the 
morning an improvised National Guard would be on foot in 
every quarter. It was not intended to assist the troops, but 
to protect peaceable people and to prevent that pillaging 
which the events of the morning gave reason to apprehend. 

I went home again more frightened than I had set out. 
I found my own street entirely calm. Only by way of pre- 


1 Now the Rue de la Chaussée d’Antin. 


NOTE FROM.MONSIEUR PASQUIER 271 


caution the inhabitants were taking down the lamps, locking 
them up, and removing the royal arms wherever they were 
placed. 

A note was handed to me from M. Pasquier. He asked 
whether I had any means of communication with the Duc de 
Raguse, and begged me to let him know that well-informed 
people considered that any military resistance to so general a 
movement would produce frightful catastrophes, whatever 
the ultimate result. His opinions and his sympathies were 
known, and it was considered that his best position would be 
to act as mediator by reporting to Saint Cloud the difficulties, 
greater perhaps than he imagined, with which he was sur- 
rounded, and by advising concessions which might even 
now save everything if they were proclaimed forthwith. 

I have since learnt that this note was the result of a con- 
ference held at the house of M. Pasquier, at which M. Hyde 
de Neuville had attempted to induce him to go to Saint 
Cloud to explain the situation to the King. M. Pasquier 
had urged that he was not the man for this purpose, and 
could not obtain a favourable hearing from the King, as he 
did not enjoy his Majesty’s confidence. M. Hyde was in the 
same position. At length the Abbé de Montesquieu, who 
was in better odour at Saint Cloud than these gentlemen, 
consented to go.’ It was in order to emphasise his argu- 
ments that the Marshal’s action was desired. ‘The Abbé had 
started some hours ago, but no one knew with what result. 
I immediately sent to the Duc de Raguse to learn if com- 
munications with him were open. All his attendants were at 
the Tuileries. 

I received a second note from M. Pasquier, authorising me 
to send his first note to the Marshal. I enclosed it ina 
hastily written letter of my own, but did not know how to 


1He was stopped at the barrier, and never reached Saint Cloud. 
(Note by Mme. de Boigne.) 


272 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


send it. My doctor happened to be there, and seeing my 
anxiety, he undertook to deliver my letter himself. He 
was successful, for a short time afterwards I saw M. de La 
Rue,’ the Marshal’s aide-de-camp, come into my room. ‘The 
Marshal had sent him to say that it was too late. All at- 
tempts at conciliation had been tried in vain. His orders 
from Saint Cloud were imperative, and all that he could do 
was to conduct the: military operations. Moreover, matters 
had gone too far, and it was necessary before all things to 
crush the insurrection. M. de La Rue added that he had 
just given the order to the columns to advance; that they were 
to go forward sweeping all before them, and that probably I 
should hear the roar of the cannon within half an hour. 

‘“Fleaven preserve us!” I cried. ‘‘I do not know what the 
result will be for the monarchy. But if the monarchy 
escapes such a crisis, it will be obliged to abandon all those 
who shoot down the Parisian populace in a cause so hateful 
to the nation.” 

I drew a picture of the Marshal’s position for the benefit 
of La Rue; of his unpopularity in the country, where the 
slanders invented in 1814 were still current; of his un- 
popularity at court; of the distrust which he inspired in the 
Ultra and Jesuit parties, and of the readiness with which all 
would be willing to sacrifice him. 

“Tf the Marshal,” I added, “‘should fire a single cannon- 
shot he had better commit suicide, for his life will be nothing 
more than a series of misfortunes.”’ 

I was greatly excited, and succeeded in persuading La Rue. 
His despondency increased, and he continually exclaimed by 
way of reply: 

‘But what are we to do? We are being fired on, and the 
business has begun; the best thing we can do is to go through 


‘ Baron de La Rue (Isidore), major and aide-de-camp to the Marshal, 
the Duc de Raguse (Almanach Royal, 1830). 


MONSIEUR DE LA RUE 273 


with it and to bring these people to reason. Besides, it is 
impossible to get a word with the Marshal. He was obliged 
to take me into a window corner to give me the message 
which I bring you, and he had the utmost difficulty in finding 
a moment to read your letter.” 

“Why so?” 

“Why, the ministers are at the Tuileries with him. M. 
de Polignac and his people are all round him, and supervise 
him so carefully that though he is nominally in supreme 
command, he cannot say a word or make a gesture except 
under their supervision.” 

‘““None the less, try and make him understand how utterly 
useless his self-sacrifice is. And especially remind him 
of the danger to the country to which he is so devoted.” 

“T will attempt to convey your words to him, for mine 
would have no influence. He is accustomed to command 
us and not to listen to us, and advice would have little effect 
on him from our lips. In any case, your message is not the 
only one which I have to take. I met Fabvier’ at your door. 
He has arrived this morning from Lyons, and finds the 
state of affairs very different from his anticipations; he has 
just been through the town and talked with his friends. 
So far, he said to me, there has been no interference, but 
within an hour each band will have an intelligent leader, a 
capable officer, and we shall find it out. The people un- 
mistakably mean business, and though the movement is 


1 Charles Nicolas, Baron Fabvier (1782-1855), artillery lieutenant at 
Austerlitz, orderly to General Gardanne, Minister in Persia and founded 
the arsenal of Ispahan. He was atde-de-camp to Marmont in Portugal 
in 1811, was colonel at Dresden in 1813, and joined the Restoration. 
In 1817 he was put on half pay, and condemned for misdemeanour in 
1819. He joined the intrigues of the Liberals against the monarchy, 
fought in Spain against the French expedition in 1823, and then went 
to Greece in 1827. He was general in command of the city of Paris 
from 1830 to 1831, lieutenant-general in 1839, and peer of France in 1845. 


274 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


spontaneous, it is but the more violent for that reason, and it 
will be successful just because it is not the result of any 
conspiracy.” 

La Rue, as was reasonable, had replied as follows to his 
old comrade: 

‘““We shall have a warm reception ready for those who 
attack us, and we shall have the advantage of them, in that 
we are doing our duty.” | 

“Do your duty as much as you like, but tell the Marshal 
that if he permits a serious engagement he must consider 
all as lost. ‘The troops can do nothing in the town against 
a unanimous and exasperated populace. ‘There will be some 
moral hesitation in beginning, but when people once feel 
that they are entirely compromised, they will fight desper- 
ately.” 

Without attaching too much importance to words which 
were only to be expected from Fabvier in his position, I 
none the less advised M. de La Rue to repeat them to the 
Marshal in the presence of those by whom he was sur- 
rounded, in order to give notice that the movement of the 
insurgents would be under military direction. ‘The words 
were repeated, and with excellent effect. Immediately after 
the departure of M. de La Rue I sent information to M. 
Pasquier of the unsatisfactory answer I had received. ‘Then 
I began to consider what M. de La Rue had said to me 
concerning the want of consideration which any words from 
his mouth would receive. Knowing that no one had so 
much influence with the Marshal as M. Arago,' I wrote to 
him, begging him to betake himself to the staff forthwith 

‘Francois Arago (1786-1853), a celebrated astronomer, pupil of the 
Polytechnic School and secretary of the Bureau of Longitude. At the 
age of twenty-three he was a member of the Academy of Sciences, was 
professor at the Polytechnic School, director of the Observatory, deputy 


in 1830, member of the provisional government in 1838, and refused to 
take the oath in 1852. 


THE FIRST CANNON-SHOT 278 


and to use his influence to save the country, the throne, and 
his friend from the imminent ruin with which they were 
menaced. I ordered a man to go on horseback to the 
Observatory by way of the outer boulevards. 

Hardly had he started than I heard the first cannon-shot. 
I cannot describe the effect which it produced upon me: I 
uttered a cry and hiding my head in my hands, I remained 
motionless for some moments. All our efforts had been in 
vain: the die was cast, the country, the throne, and individ- 
uals were hanging in the balance. Nothing could be done 
but to await with fear and trembling the result of these 
gloomy prospects. I spent all my time at the window. 
Soon I saw a patrol of soldiers arrive. As soon as they 
entered the streets they fired a dozen shots, although the 
calm was absolute. Count Karoly, as he was leaving my 
house, was nearly.struck by a bullet which hit the frame of 
the door. There was no casualty in the Rue d’Anjou, but a 
carter who was quietly driving his cart was killed in the 
Rue de Suréne. ‘This useless demonstration greatly excited 
the people in my neighbourhood. Hitherto they had been 
standing silently at their doors or windows. From that 
moment the houses were abandoned, they formed bodies in 
the street, and every able-bodied man prepared for defence. 
This was the signal for the outbreak of hostilities. The 
imprudent patrol soon joined a larger body in the Rue du 
Faubourg St. Honoré, and we heard a long and vigorous 
fusillade provoked by the following reason. 

As I have learnt from MM. Mallet, the more important 
citizens had gone to their mayors, with the idea of reviving 
a kind of National Guard for the purpose of protecting 
peaceable citizens, but with no intention of unconstitutional 
action. ‘The ruling powers, ill instructed or worse advised, 
had sent out troops everywhere to drive these persons from 
the mayors’ houses. Resistance was offered, and these simul- 


276 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


taneous attacks at a dozen points throughout the capital 
had completed the exasperation of a populace already 
raised to the highest pitch of excitement by the noise of the 
fusillade. 

After this episode I saw my doctor, Chavernac,’ coming 
towards the house, keeping close to the walls. He came to 
say that he had given my letters to one of the Marshal’s 
aides-de-camp. I was aware of the fact, as I had received 
the answer. He had gone back to his own house, and told 
me that a considerable gathering of common people, headed 
by a man dressed, or rather undressed, like the rest of them, 
had come to knock at his door. He had gone down to 
speak to them. ‘The leader had asked him very politely if 
he had any weapons to lend them. He had answered that 
he had none, as the house was only inhabited by himself 
and some women. They made many excuses for thus dis- 
turbing him. Not to be behindhand in civility, he also ex- 
pressed his regret that he had no weapons to offer to these 
gentlemen. 

‘““Ah, sir, we are quite sure of it. What Frenchmen is 
not on our side in this noble cause, at any rate at heart?” 

Chavernac saw the same band go and knock at the next 
door, where a dozen large pistols and some bullets were 
handed out to them. They already had a dozen guns and 
as many pistols, which had probably been collected in the 
same way. In any case, similar collections were made in 
almost every quarter of Paris. What is almost as remark- 
able as the meekness with which refusals were received is 
the fact that a week afterwards almost all of these weapons, 
many of which were valuable, had been brought back to 
their owners. 

About this time or a little earlier a small sheet published 
by Le Temps was circulated: it gave an account of events 


1 He was living at No. 8 in the Rue Grange Bateliére. 


MONSIEUR ARAGO 277 


and urged resistance to the soldiers, promising victory. It 
was not without influence. My man brought back an answer 
from Arago: he was about to go to the staff with no great 
hope of success, but that he might have no subsequent 
ground for self-reproach as a Frenchman and as a friend. 


CHAPTER XXIII 


Resumption of the conflict—Tactics of the insurgents—At the Porte 
Saint Martin—The tocsin—The black flag—Alarming rumours— 
Manufacture of cartridges at the Bourse—Impossibility of leaving 
Paris—Illusion of the Duc de Raguse—Barricades in the Rue 
d’Anjou—God protects good mothers—Marshal Marmont declines 
to fire upon groups containing women and children—Opinion of the 
Duc de Rauzan—M. Arago and the Duc de Raguse—Observation 
of M. de Polignac—Request of the Dauphin to M. Arago—Capture 
of the Louvre—Evacuation of Paris by the royal troops. 


THE roar of the cannon seemed to slacken. Suddenly it 
began again with greater vigour and on several sides simul- 
taneously. Small-arm firing also began again but at some 
distance from us. Women, children, and a few men ap- 
peared upon their thresholds: several had resumed their 
positions in the mayor’s house, which the troops had been 
forced to evacuate after a short occupation of it. At that 
moment I saw a man passing by with a covered basket such 
as cake-sellers carry. He was distributing cartridges: every- 
body took them and everybody hid them. ‘The whole of this 
great city seemed to be animated by one thought, one will, 
and one plan of operations. It was already plain that 
Fabvier had been right. Intelligent leaders were directing 
the masses of the populace. ‘The tactics pursued were too 
generally identical not to be the result of preconcerted 
design. 

A numerous body drew up before the columns of the guar 
of the line; then many of them who had weapons advanced 
and fired upon the troops. The latter replied. If any of the 


army of insurgents were put out of action, others immediately 
278 


THE INSURGENT’S TACTICS 249 


advanced and took their guns and their ammunition. After 
several shots had been exchanged part of the group ran 
forward, while the others rushed into the carriage entrances, 
the doors of which opened before them, went upstairs to the 
windows, and fired upon the column whilst it passed. They 
then came down to the street, threw up a barricade behind 
the column, left it in charge of a few guards and all the 
neighbouring inhabitants, and went off down the side streets 
at a run to rejoin the original band, the numbers of which 
steadily increased, and began to arrest the progress of the 
column a hundred paces farther forward by a repetition of 
the same manceuvre. ‘The result was that the troops found 
it extremely difficult to advance and entirely impossible to 
retreat. It was not until midnight, after making wide 
detours, that they were able to regain their headquarters. 
About mid-day a general distribution had been made of 
munitions of war: a powder magazine, guarded only by two 
veterans, had been seized by a trick. Carts carried the 
powder through the streets, and in the centre of the town 
women were busy making cartridges by their doors without 
any attempt at concealment. I heard a man call out to his 
neighbour through the window, showing him two cartridges, 
‘When I have six, I shall start.” A moment afterwards I 
saw him in the street with his gun on his shoulder. He 
was rejoined by his neighbour; after a short conversation the 
neighbour went into his house, came out again with a sword 
and a long pistol, and followed the same route. These 
people were quiet and orderly family men. But I cannot 
sufficiently repeat the fact, for it is the explanation of every 
event throughout these days, that the whole population were 
electrified. Everybody took an active part in events, and 
many showed unexampled courage, energy, and devotion. 
At the descent from the Porte Saint Martin, one of the 
most disputed points, a regular battle took place. A man 


280 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


who was unarmed happened to be standing beside one of the 
populace who carried a gun which he could not use. 

“My friend, will you lend me your gun?” 

“Certainly, sir. Rest it upon my shoulder as you will 
find that more convenient.” 

One or two shots were fired, to the admiration of the 
owner of the gun. Eventually the marksman noticed that his 
acquaintance was shielding him with his body, and also saw © 
him call up one of his comrades in order to mask him entirely. 

‘‘Look here, my friends; stand aside a little, please; you 
are making me appear ridiculous.”’ 

“Good gracious, sir; what does it matter if we are killed? 
We cannot shoot, as you see. But you are of much more 
consequence.” | 

This story was told me the next day at the house of the 
Russian Ambassador, who thought it splendid. 

I return to the events of Wednesday. ‘The streets were 
unsafe, and communication was hardly possible: however, I 
saw two or three times during the day M. Pasquier and 
the Duc and Duchesse de Rauzan, whose house adjoined 
mine, as also did that of M. de Lafayette." We exchanged 
such information as we had, which for the most part con- 
sisted of vague rumours, and the explosions of the cannon 
remained the clearest reports which came to us. ‘Towards 
nightfall the sound of the tocsin from all the bells of Paris 
was joined .to the roar of artillery, and seemed to us even 
more gloomy and appalling. 

It was a magnificent moonlight night, terribly hot, with- 
out a breath of air. The ordinary noises of the great city 
were silenced or drowned in the sinister and monotonous 


1 Mme. de Boigne was then living at No. 4 Rue d’Anjou, in a house 
belonging to the Comte de La Tour du Pin Chambly. She was paying 
a rent of about £380 a year, as appears from receipts found among her 
papers. 


THE BLACK FLAG 281 


tolling of the tocsin, the continuous discharge of small arms, 
and the constant roar of cannon. From time to time a red 
glare would rise above the roofs, betokening some conflagra- 
tion and increasing our apprehension. By the moonlight I 
saw that a large black flag had been hoisted upon the Made- 
leine: I cannot say at what moment it had been raised, but 
it was a complete expression of our feelings. 

I spent the whole of the evening wandering about the 
courtyard and the staircases, looking out of the windows 
upon the street, collecting news which my servants brought 
in from the neighbours, and which grew steadily more 
alarming: several parts of the town had been burnt; the 
Duc de Raguse was mortally wounded; General Talon had 
been killed; not a single lancer was left; the river was red 
with blood, etc. 

About eleven o’clock the firing died away. Half an hour 
afterwards the tocsin ceased, and a most impressive silence 
reigned. So solemn was it that I caught myself speaking in 
a whisper to one of my servants who volunteered to go out 
and reconnoitre. Two others, under the stimulus of their 
warlike ardour, had gone out to fight, and had not returned. 
The last messenger, an active and intelligent man, came back 
before midnight to tell me that soldiers and people alike 
were resting, but remained under arms: the crisis was by 
no means over. ‘The battle would begin the next morning 
with greater vigour if the troops remained faithful. He had 
been assured that two regiments had already gone over to 
the people. ‘Though but little tranquillised by this report, I 
decided to lie down for a few hours, though I did not expect 
to gain much rest. 

On Thursday, the 29th, at six o’clock, the stillness re- 
mained unbroken. My butler had gone out at four o’clock, 
and had traversed much of the town: he had seen no troops, 
but many barricades guarded by armed men who had spent 


282 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


the night at their posts. These barricades were the meeting 
points for those who were going to rejoin them. General 
obedience was shown to the pupils of the Polytechnic School; 
they alone were in uniform, and had secured authority. My 
butler had seen one driving into the Place de la Bourse, 
seated upon the front of a two-horse cart, waving a sword 
and shouting continually, “Out of the way; this is gun- 
powder! Out-of the way; there is danger here!” 

This gunpowder, which had been simply tossed into the 
cart, was handed out to men and women, who sat down upon 
the steps of the Bourse and began the work of making 
cartridges. Several persons; no less enthusiastic, went out 
to distribute the cartridges throughout the barricades, to 
which the neighbours brought provisions and refreshments. 
Everywhere the wounded were cared for and sheltered, 
while the dead simply served to arouse enthusiasm. It must 
be added to the honour of the Parisian populace that, though 
they were animated as one man by this spirit of resistance, 
and though they concentrated their efforts to defeat the 
troops, they showed no animosity to the soldier as such. 
Attentions were showered upon the wounded soldier, although 
while he had arms in his hands his death did not evoke the 
smallest regret. 

The man who came in confirmed the reports of the previous 
evening with reference to the speedy resumption of the 
conflict. He had met one of my grooms, and had made a 
vain attempt to bring him home; the man had already been 
fighting, and wished to continue. Another groom came in 
to water his horses, and proposed to start out again; how- 
ever, I detained him, as I was seriously thinking of leaving 
Paris. | 

As I foresaw that the task of crossing the barriers would 
be very difficult, I wrote a very gloomy note to the Duc de 
Raguse, asking him for a pass, and issued orders for my 


ATTEMPT TO LEAVE PARIS 283 


departure. I wished to rejoin my family at Pontchartrain. 
I also wrote to M. Pasquier bidding him farewell, and to ask 
him if he had any message for me to take. While I was 
making my preparations I was informed that Mme. de Rauzan 
had returned. She had started half an hour before, but her 
carriage had been stopped on every side by barricades, which 
could neither be crossed nor avoided. 

The Marshal’s answer was brought back to me, containing 
a pass countersigned by M. de Choiseul.* The Marshal had 
himself handed the pass to my man, whom he knew, saying 
to him: 

‘‘Louis, this is what Mme. de Boigne desires; but tell her 
not to be ina hurry. I hope that in a few hours everything 
will be finished as she wishes, and I expect I shall be able to 
come and see her during the day.” 

Poor man, he was greatly deceived! I informed M. 
Pasquier of this message, and he strongly advised me not to 
attempt to leave Paris. I was harassed by the fear of causing 
anxiety to my parents, and was still hesitating when the 
firing broke out again. It may have been eight o’clock in 
the morning, and at the same time the sound of pick-axes 
re-echoed in the street. JI put my head out of the window, 
and saw two or three men beginning to tear up the pavement 
of the Faubourg St. Honoré; soon there were five-and-twenty 
or thirty of them, a number which speedily grew to fifty. 
In less than a quarter of an hour there was a strong double 
barricade in the street of the Faubourg, which was accom- 
panied by a transverse barricade in the Rue d’Anjou. Similar 
precautions were immediately taken at the crossing of the 


1 Duc de Choiseul Stainville (1762-1838). He was second colonel of 
the dragoons of La Rochefoucauld at the time of the flight to Varennes. 
Mme. de Boigne has spoken of him in the first volume of these Memoirs, 
p. 87. Atthe Restoration he became peer of France. He was azde-de- 
camp to Louis Philippe I. and governor of the Louvre. 


284 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Rue de Suréne, and probably throughout the quarter. In the 
Allée de Marigny the trees were soon cut down to make 
stockades in the Place Beauvau. I saw these barricades 
in course of construction, and apart from the zeal and 
energy with which the work was conducted, I can assert 
that no extraordinary excitement was manifest. They 
were raised for the most part by the inhabitants of the 
street; there was no shouting and no quarrelling; order and 
activity were predominant. When the work had been 
finished, several men remained to guard it under arms and 
the rest went away. I saw nobody in command, and these 
actions seemed to be directed by inspiration. By each of 
these barricades a narrow passage had been left for foot 
passengers; anybody was allowed to pass without let or 
hindrance. I am only speaking of the barricades which I 
saw constructed; there were others differently made and 
very difficult to pass. It was impossible now to think of 
leaving the town, and I was correspondingly relieved. Noth- 
ing is more difficult in such circumstances than to come 
to a decision. 

My chambermaid brought into the house a certain Mme. 
Garche, a shopkeeper in the Rue de Bac. This woman had 
a married daughter in the district of the Halles, and had 
heard upon Wednesday morning that the young woman was 
expecting the birth of a child, and was even in danger. 
Twice she started to go to her, but was unable to pass any 
of the bridges, upon all of which fighting was in progress. 
At length towards midnight she had reached the Carrousel. 
Attempts were made to send her back, but she contrived to 
slip along the walls. When she reached an open space 
where the moonlight. cast no shade, she was perceived, and 
an officer attempted to turn her back. She was begging 
him to let her pass, when she heard some one giving orders 
to turn her away with an oath. 


MONSIEUR DE RAUZAN 285 


““That’s the Marshal,” said the officer. “‘Off with you, and 
quick!” 

With the courage of a mother, the poor woman ran straight 
to the Marshal. She explained her situation, and he turned 
round to an aide-de-camp and said to him: 

“Go and tell the guard to let no one pass.’”? Then he 
turned to Mme. Garche. “Come, Madame, give me your . 
arm.’’ He accompanied her to the last sentry, and added 
when he left her, ‘‘ Now be quick. ‘Take the smallest streets, 
and do not leave them. God protects good mothers.” 

Eventually she reached her daughter without mishap, and 
found that the child was born and that all was well. 

As she attempted to return to the Faubourg St. Germain 
by the Pont d’Iéna, she was stopped by my chambermaid, 
who was her friend. She spoke of the Marshal with tears 
in her eyes, and when so many were cursing his name it was 
a pleasure to his friends to hear these blessings. 

In any case, the same actions are very differently judged, 
according to the point of view of the hearer. M. de Rauzan 
had also been to headquarters at an early hour to secure a 
pass, but as we have already seen, he was unable to make 
use of it. He told me that he had been present at a kind 
of ministerial council, if a meeting to which every one was 
admitted deserves that title. As the Marshal was absent, 
his authority was required before any course of action could 
be decided. MM. de Rauzan went to fetch him from the Rue 
de Rohan: he found him standing before the guns to prevent 
them from firing upon a group where he saw women and 
children among a very small number of armed men. M. de 
Rauzan considered that this was sheer futility, and would, I 
believe, have been ready to characterise it as cowardice if he 
had found a more benevolent audience. He was in despair 
that his departure should have been stopped. His visit to 
the Tuileries had not inspired him with any great sense of 


286 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


security, notwithstanding the boasting of M. de Polignac, 
whose language, it must be said, revolted him more than the 
Marshal’s humanity. 

The firing seemed to be slackening. M. Pasquier came 
to my house and explained the message of the Marshal. 
The ministers had gone to Saint Cloud, and in the Place 
Vendéme a declaration had been read announcing the sus- 
pension of hostilities and the withdrawal of the ordinances. 
The fact has since been denied, but a proclamation was 
certainly made by General de Wall’ on the Place Vendéme. 
At length it was possible to expect some settlement of this 
dreadful crisis. A moment afterwards Arago arrived with 
his son, and told me that he had made vain efforts to reach the 
Tuileries, as hostilities had recommenced. about the Louvre 
and the Faubourg St. Germain. In any case, he did not 
expect that he would be more successful with the Marshal 
than he had been the evening before. He had exhausted all 
his arguments, but the Marshal persisted in seeing nothing 
but the military situation, and had said to him: 

‘““My friend, I have once sacrificed the soldier to the 
citizen, and upon this occasion I intend to sacrifice the 
citizen to the soldier. ‘The results may be no more success- 
ful than before. But I have suffered too much from a 
previous situation, while justifying the motives which inspired 
my action, to be willing to expose myself to any further 
possibility of the kind. Do you wish people to say Marmont 
is always on hand when any treachery is required?” and he 
clapped his hands to his forehead with a gesture of despair. 
“Can I be so unhappy as to find myself a second time in a 
position involving a cruel conflict of duty?” 

Arago also confirmed the report of M. de La Rue con- 


1 Comte de Wall, field-marshal; military commander of Paris and of 
the first sub-division of the first military division. The Marshal the 
Duc de Raguse was the Governor of Paris. 


NOTE FROM THE DAUPHIN 287 


cerning the obstinacy of those in attendance upon the Duc 
de Raguse and the difficulty of gaining a moment’s access to 
him. Healso told me of the absurd answer of M. de Polignac, 
and the silly manner in which he had replied: 

“Well, if the troops should join the people, we shall fire 
upon them as well.” 

Upon my side, I gave him the Marshal’s message, and told 
him that the Marshal had received no answer from Saint 
Cloud in reply to the step which the commissaries had taken 
the evening before. 

“Tf the Marshal has no news from Saint Cloud,’ said 
Arago, “I am more successful than he. The Dauphin has 
sent me a messenger bearing a note from his own hand.” 

“Really! And what did he say ?”’ 

“‘He asked me the precise thermometrical measurements 
for yesterday.” | 

Such a revelation is overwhelming. Lest it should be 
treated as fictitious, it should be remembered that in private 
life the Princes of the royal family paid much attention 
to the weather, not in the interests of science, but to learn 
the prospects of sport. They were accustomed to communi- 
cate their meteorological observations to one another every 
day, and the exactitude of their thermometers and barometers 
had become a kind of preoccupation, especially in the case 
of the Dauphin. In their most princely existence nothing 
could disturb these futilities, which had become a kind of 
etiquette. 

The man whom I had sent in the morning to headquarters 
had provided himself with a card for the return journey, and 
asserted that by the aid of it he could go back again. We 
observed, in fact, that the card bore a free pass in the service 
of the Marshal. Arago proceeded to write a letter telling 
the Marshal that the whole city was in revolt, that every 
class had joined the movement, and that the political organ- 


288 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


isations were lending their support. He knew many of 
the leading figures in the movement, and proposals had 
already been made to him; a provisional government was 
required, and the tricolour cockade had been demanded. 
The only prospect for the King was to give way to these 
desires, and to proclaim the abandonment of the system 
of absolutism, which would certainly produce a civil war by 
which he would be overthrown. As for the Marshal him- 
self, he might, if he would, adopt the fair position of 
mediator, but he had not a moment to lose. The retirement 
of the ministers had left him sole master at Paris. He should 
immediately proclaim an amnesty for all that had been done 
and induce the King to grant the conditions, and should save 
him in spite of himself by enabling the troops to join a side 
which would consider the real needs of the country. I added 
a few words to Arago’s letter, and gave it to my man, ad- 
vising him to be careful and not to expose himself unneces- 
sarily. 

Hardly had he started when the rifle firing broke out once 
more, and grew louder as it approached us. We heard a 
very vigorous fusillade in the direction of the Place Louis 
XV. We rushed to the window, and saw people running in 
the Rue du Faubourg St. Honoré. A band of soldiers 
appeared before the barricade and was obliged to retire. 
Firing was heard in the Champs Elysées. There was a halt 
for a moment about the Avenue de Marigny, and several 
consecutive volleys were fired; then the firing grew distant, 
and the whole affair lasted barely ten minutes. We were 
unable to understand these proceedings. 

My messenger, upon whose account I was growing very 
anxious, returned. He brought back our letter. He had 
reached headquarters without difficulty, had found the rooms 
deserted, and had even reached the Marshal’s room. All the 
doors were open, and he found no one to give him any 


CAPTURE OF THE LOUVRE 289 


information. Going to the window, he saw the gates of the 
courtyard closed and the troops rapidly marching under the 
clock tower. The people were masters of the Carrousel. 
As he went downstairs, he had met M. de Glandevés, whom 
he knew; he was rushing into a subterranean passage which 
communicated with the palace beneath the watch-house: 
my man asked him where he could find the Marshal. M. de 
Glendevés, who seemed greatly agitated and in a violent 
hurry, replied: ) 

“The Marshal is probably in the garden of the Tuileries, 
but it is impossible to get to him, and I should advise you 
to go away as quickly as possible.” 

Profiting by this advice, he had come back without any 
further attempt to fulfil his message, and he knew nothing 
more. 

We speedily learned the news of the capture of the Louvre, 
the abandonment of the Tuileries, and the complete evacua- 
tion of Paris after a moment’s check at the barrier of |’Etoile, 
and the march of the troops upon Saint Cloud. The dis- 
semination of this news produced the most instantaneous 
effect upon the populace: it was as if a vessel of boiling 
water had been taken from the fire; all disturbance was 
calmed in a moment. Other passions may have disturbed 
the minds of certain factious people and possibly have found 
expression about the Hotel de Ville: the rest of the city 
resumed an attitude of calm. 


CHAPTER XXIV 


The pupils of the Polytechnic School—‘ My little general” —The boat 
of Essonnes—A walk through Paris—The barricades on the boule- 
vards—The politeness of their defenders—The Rue de Rivoli— 
Pozzo and Lord Stuart—Mme. de Labédoyére—Bonapartist song 
—The barricade in the Rue du Faubourg Saint Honoré—“ Long 
live the Charter!’””—Messenger from Rouen—The soldiers of the 
Royal Guard—Story of M. de Glandevés, governor of the Tuileries 
—Obtuseness of the Government—The King’s game of whist at 
Saint Cloud—‘“‘Jules de Polignac has seen the Holy Virgin”— 
Martin—The Duchesse de Berry. 


THE only authority generally recognised was that of the 
pupils of the Polytechnic School, who had been distributed 
throughout the different posts. Apart from the bravery 
which they had shown in the combats of the previous evening 
and morning, they owed their importance to the fact that 
they alone wore a uniform. ‘The defenders of the barri- 
cades called them ‘“ My little general,” and obeyed them the 
more implicitly as their line of study had made them very 
useful in directing the rapid construction of barricades. ‘They 
helped both in making and defending these obstacles. In any 
case, it is a somewhat remarkable circumstance that the 
populace at this time should have given so much consideration 
to people who seemed to belong to the upper classes of society. 
Anybody wearing a coat and willing to join a band could 
easily secure the command of people in waistcoats. 

I am wrong, however, to use the word waistcoats: the 
popular costume was a pair of canvas trousers and a shirt 
with the sleeves turned up. It must, indeed, be said that the 


heat was suffocating. Often this scanty clothing and even 
290 


A WALK UTHROUGH PARIS 291 


the arms of the wearer bore traces of the conflict. Faces were 
blackened by powder, and yet were in no way terrifying: they 
proclaimed the calm courage of defenders and the conscious- 
ness of right. When once the heat of the combat was over the 
city was pervaded by a spirit of brotherhood. 

M. Arago left me. Some visitors came in, as the streets 
were being reopened to foot passengers. M. de Salvandy 
arrived from Essonnes, where he had been the previous even- 
ing. Throughout his journey people had rushed out upon 
him to learn the news. ‘The country population shared the 
feelings and the confidence of the Parisian multitude. They 
applied to him, though an unknown passer-by, without doubt 
that he also cherished hopes for the success of the efforts of 
the Parisians, and everywhere he had seen men preparing to 
lend their support. At Essonnes the National Guard had 
seized the powder magazine, and notwithstanding the risk 
of such an enterprise, had filled a large boat with powder and 
drawn it along the river covered with tricolour flags, to cries 
of ‘Long live the Charter!” amid the cheers of all the river- 
side population. One could not, however, feel assured that 
the court had abandoned all efforts. We thought that when 
they had been reinforced by fresh troops they would make a 
fresh attempt upon Paris, probably in the following night. 

About three o’clock I decided to go out. M. de Salvandy 
gave me his arm. He did not expect any attack during the 
night. I was living in one of those places which were greatly 
exposed if one returns by the same route as one sets out. I 
did not wish to alarm my household by sending any member 
of it with this message, and went myself to Mme. de Jumilhac 
in the Rue Neuve des Mathurins, to warn her porter to open 
to me if I should come and knock during the night. As I 
returned, I visited the boulevard, which was blocked by 
felled trees and everything that could be found in the neigh- 
bourhood for the construction of barricades. ‘The barricades 


292 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


themselves were very difficult to cross; it was necessary to 
climb some and to crawl under others. Everywhere, how- 
ever, those in charge of them offered a ready and obliging 
assistance, calling up the cleanest of their number in order 
not to soil the clothes of the ladies. ‘There were no coarse 
jokes, and never were politeness and urbanity more para- 
mount in Paris. A secret instinct seemed to warn them that 
the least shock might produce an explosion. In any case, the 
idea of an opposition to current events occurred to no one. 

I reached the Rue de Rivoli. Barely three hours ago 
furious fighting had been in progress. The gates of the 
garden of the Tuileries were closed, and guarded by sentinels 
wearing the costume I have described. In the street I saw 
a very lofty barricade composed of garden chairs. At the 
moment when I passed a considerable number of ladies had 
pulled down part of this barricade. They had seized some 
of the chairs, and in their best dresses, with hats adorned with 
feathers and flowers, were calmly seated in the shade of their 
parasols and of the barricade as if they had been under the 
trees in the garden of the Tuileries. ‘This curious spectacle 
continued until the Sunday, when the chairs were returned - 
to the garden. 

I called upon the Russian Ambassador, whom I had not 
seen for forty-eight hours. I found him much disturbed: he 
had been a spectator of the rout of the troops, and gave me 
a detailed account of it. He was both surprised and indignant 
that he had received no message from M. de Polignac at 
such a time. He was equally indignant at the delight of 
Lord Stuart,’ the English Ambassador, which had been 
expressed to the point of indecency.” Pozzo also thought 


1 See second volume of these Memoirs, p. 1209. 

? For English opinion upon the Revolution of 1830see the letterof Baron 
Séguier, French Consul General at London, written to Mme. de Boigne, 
under date August 13, 1830, printed in the Appendix to this volume. 


MADAME DE LABEDOYERE 203 


that an attack upon Paris was probable, and was greatly 
disturbed about the position of his residence. He was 
swayed by no sense of partisanship, and was alarmed, dis- 
turbed and apprehensive, and said that he was ill to explain 
his looks. 

I went home again, and sent out to buy a few hams, a sack 
of rice and one of flour. I had expected that these provisions 
would have gone up in price, but there had been no change, 
so great was the public confidence. 

I went to see Mme. de Rauzan. Her sister-in-law, Mme. 
de Labédoyére,* was with her and in despair. The poor 
woman was probably thinking of the blood that had been so 
uselessly shed fifteen years before to procure a similar result, 
and was wringing her hands. She was the only person whom 
I saw at that moment in real trouble. I spoke before her 
of my enthusiasm for the greatness, the bravery, and the 
magnanimity which the people had displayed, as I had 
observed during my walk, and horrified her in consequence. 
I consoled her but little by speaking of the danger, which 
everybody assumed, that we might be attacked during the 
night. M.de Rauzan shook his head. The same morning 
at the general staff he had heard General Vincent’ talking 
with M. de Polignac: the minister was urging him to send 
columns into the town as upon the previous evening, and 
Vincent replied that a hundred thousand men could not 
possibly pass through Paris in view of the present enthusiasm 
and energy of the town. Poor Mme. de Labédoyére was 
obliged to content herself with the hope thrown out by a 
certain M. Denis Benoit, that the capital might at least be re- 
duced by starvation. ‘This idea, however, increased her keen 
desire to leave it. All her feelings were absolutely opposed to 
mine, yet they were so profoundly true and so perfectly 


1 See second volume of these Memoirs, p. 79 ff. 
? Baron Vincent, field-marshal and King’s equerry. 


204 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


sincere that neither then nor afterwards did they cause me 
the smallest irritation. Mme. de Rauzan was in great 
anxiety on behalf of her father, the Duc de Duras, who was 
on service at Saint Cloud. She had heard nothing of him 
‘since Monday, when he had come to tell her with transports 
of joy that the ordinances had been signed and that “at last 
the King reigned.’”’ ‘This was the expression in current use at 
the Chateau. We agreed that we would continue to share 
any information we might gain. In fact, we met ten times a 
day either at her house or at mine. 

Standing at my window, I saw an old street singer coming 
up the Rue de Suréne. He stopped at the barricade of the 
Rue du Faubourg St. Honoré, where some fifty men were 
gathered. ‘There, while pretending to help them to replace 
the paving-stones which were continually thrown out of posi- 
tion by the passers-by, he struck up with an excellent voice 
and a good articulation a song in five couplets in honour of 
Napoleon II., the refrain of which, as far as I can remember, 
was, ‘‘ Without overshadowing him, the son will be as good 
as his father.” Not the smallest sensation resulted, and 
hardly any one seemed to listen to him. When the song was 
over he crossed the barricade to look for another audience, 
whom he probably found equally inattentive. 

I have already spoken much of this barricade, and shall 
have to say more. From a window where I habitually stood 
I could see and hear everything that went on. This point 
had become a meeting place, and neighbours gathered around 
the five-and-twenty or thirty men on guard. These latter 
never left their posts until they were relieved by a pupil of 
the Polytechnic School and replaced by others after twenty- 
four hours of duty, during which the inhabitants of the 
quarter were careful to provide them with food and drink. 
I have undertaken to relate merely what I have seen with my 
own eyes and heard for myself, and I have therefore no scru- 


MESSENGER FROM ROUEN 295 


ples upon entering into these details. Moreover, the events 
which happened upon this little stage were repeated at every 
cross-roads in the town, and may give a fairly accurate idea 
of the general situation. 

I can positively affirm that throughout this and the follow- 
ing days I heard no cries except “Long live the Charter!” 
and no other cry was ever reported to me. A strong line of 
demarcation must be drawn between the actual temper of the 
city and the manifestations which might break forth about 
the Hétel de Ville. In that quarter faction leaders were 
calling for a revolution; elsewhere the sole desire was to 
remove the people who claimed to establish absolutism. 
Charles X. would have been drawn round the city in triumph 
on that Thursday if he had repealed his ordinances and 
changed his Ministry. Whether he could have continued 
to reign after such a concession is a question which I can 
neither decide nor discuss; I merely claim that the Charter 
as established satisfied all desires at that moment. 

I return to my story. I soon heard loud cries which 
appeared to be joyful, though any uproar was then terrifying. 
Mounting upon a terrace, I was able to perceive an enormous 
tricolour flag hoisted upon the summit of the unfinished 
church of the Madeleine; it replaced the black flag which had 
been floating there the evening before. Afterwards I saw 
a plank on which was written in rude letters, “Long live 
Napoleon II.!” It remained there for several days, and 
neither its appearance nor its removal attracted the smallest 
attention. About seven o’clock fresh cries coming from the 
street recalled me to the window. I saw a numerous body 
engaged in making a passage through the barricades for a man 
and his horse, who were both covered with dust and sweat 
and panting with weariness. 

“Where does General Lafayette live?” he cried. 

“Here, here!” cried fifty voices. 


296 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


‘“‘T have come from Rouen in advance of my comrades; 
they are coming. Here is the letter for the General.” 

“This is the place.” 

He learnt at the door of the house that the General was 
staying at the headquarters of the National Guard, but that 
he would be more likely to find him at the Hétel de Ville. 

“The Hotel de Ville!” cried every one, and the courier in 
his waistcoat with his noisy escort started off throughout the 
town, relating his mission at each barricade. Probably 
several of these couriers arrived. I do not know who was 
responsible for the invention of this mummery, but it was 
entirely successful. In five minutes everybody in the Fau- 
bourg St. Honoré was certain that Rouen had risen, had 
hanged the prefect and driven out the garrison, and that the 
National Guard and the population of the town were coming 
to the help of the Parisians. ‘The people imagined that they 
could already see the advanced guard. ‘There was not a word 
of truth in all this, but the best-informed gave some credence 
to it for twenty-four hours. 

The story of the hanging of the prefect has always induced 
me to suppose that the trick was invented by people who 
were so far compromised that they wished to drive the popu- 
lace to excesses which would make reconciliation with Saint 
Cloud impossible. Such examples are not thrown out by 
mere chance before the eyes of a multitude assumed to be 
ready for any kind of cruelty under the intoxication of gun- 
powder and victory. If this horrible plan was thus conceived, 
it was a failure, for fortunately no such excesses were com- 
mitted. 

I have intentionally used the expression, the intoxication of 
gunpowder. ‘That of wine was not to be feared, for through- 
out this heroic week (and the epithet cannot be refused) not 
a single glass of wine was sold in any drinking shop. The 
most confirmed drunkard would not have run the risk of 


MONSIEUR DE GLANDEVES 207 


taking any. The heat, the sunlight, and the events were 
quite sufficient to turn people’s heads. 

I saw many soldiers of the guard coming back. Some were 
half disguised in blouses, beneath which their military boots 
could be seen, while they continued to wear their moustaches; 
others were in full uniform, though unarmed. All stopped at 
my barricade, but in order to shake hands. Not the smallest 
hostility was apparent on either side. I remember to have 
heard a defender of the barricade ask one of these soldiers: 

“Do you think that we shall be attacked to-night ?” 

“No, I do not think that ‘we’ shall be,” he replied. 

Greater harmony would have been impossible, and the 
parties to this strange dialogue seemed in no way astonished. 

Towards the close of the day I heard a well-known voice 
asking if I were at home. I ran out upon the staircase to 
meet M. de Glandeveés, the governor of the Tuileries. My 
man had seen him in the morning at the moment when the 
Chateau had been invaded. I had been very anxious on his 
account, and was delighted to see him. We met with real 
joy. He told me that he had found his room empty. His 
cook had shown great presence of mind, had quickly adopted 
the universal costume, placed a gun upon his shoulder and 
stood sentry before his door, refusing admission to everybody 
with the words, “I am on guard, and you cannot pass!” 
Thus he had gained time to take off his uniform and to collect 
his money and his papers. ‘T'wo quartermasters of the palace, 
in trousers and shirts with sleeves rolled up, and guns on their 
shoulders, had escorted him to the Rue St. Honoré, whence 
he had reached his sister’s house in the Rue Royale. There 
he proposed to remain hidden, but as he saw every one so 
peaceful he had attempted to come to my house, and had 
arrived by way of the barricades and the politeness of their 
guardians. 

He gave me an account of all the foolishness of the wretched 


298 | COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Polignac during these days: of his obstinate and stupid con- 
fidence, and also of his tendency to cruel and arbitrary 
measures, his discontent with the Marshal, who refused to 
keep as hostages the deputies’ who had come to him on a 
deputation on Wednesday morning. He had expressed him- 
self with extreme bitterness upon this subject to M. de Glan- 
devés, asserting that if such conduct was not treason, it was 
at any rate inconceivable weakness. M. de Glandevés had 
replied that he could quite understand the Marshal’s scruples. 
M. de Polignac replied, “It is not astonishing, when one has 
just shaken the hand of M. Casimir Périer.”’ 

“Yes, sir, I have shaken his hand. I am proud of the fact, 
@nd I shall be the first to report it to the King.” 

“‘Not the first,”’ replied M. de Polignac, going away to tell 
some one else that the refusal of the Duc de Raguse was the 
less justifiable, because the order to arrest these gentlemen 
had already been given, and their appearance at the Tuileries 
could therefore only be regarded as providential. Providence 
had brought them there that they might suffer their fate, but 
there were certain men who would never recognise the ways 
of Providence. ‘This speech was delivered to a fanatic of the 
evening before. M. de Polignac did not know that fanaticism 
rarely lasts throughout the night, or rather he did not believe 
that it would exist the next day. However, his words were 
immediately repeated with indignation. 

M. de Glandeveés spoke of the poor Marshal’s despair and 
the manner in which he was surrounded and hectored by 
ministers who left him no power to act, though they had 
made no preparations themselves. Officers kept coming to 
him every moment. 

‘Sir, there is no bread for the troops.” 


1M. Laffitte, Casimir Périer, Comte Lobau, General Gérard, and M. 
Mauguin had come to wait upon the Duc de Raguse for conciliatory 
purposes. When M. de Polignac was informed of the fact, he refused 
to receive them. 


MONSIEUR DE GLANDEVES 299 


“Sir, there are no saucepans for the soup.” 

“Sir, the ammunition is running short.” 

“Sir, the soldiers are dying of thirst,” etc., etc. 

To supply this last difficulty, the Marshal begged that some 
wine might be given from the King’s cellars for the use of the 
troops, but it was not forthcoming. It was Glandevés who 
had two barrels of his own wine brought up to quench the 
thirst of the soldiers who were in the palace court. It should 
be noted that these poor soldiers could get nothing for them- 
selves, for not a single shop would have been open to them. 

The following is the account which M. de Glandevés gave 
me of the events of the morning. After inspecting the 
sentries posted about the Tuileries in company with the 
Marshal, while they were anxiously awaiting replies to the 
messages which had been taken to Saint Cloud by MM. de 
Sémonville and d’Argout,* they went back to their quarters. 
The Marshal said to him: 

‘“‘Glandevés, give me something to eat; I have had nothing 
since yesterday, and am exhausted.” 

“Come into my room; everything is ready, and that will be 
the quickest way.” 

The ministers had already lunched before their departure 
to Saint Cloud. ‘The Marshal went up with M. de Glandevées. 
Hardly had they sat down when they heard some gun-shots 
in the direction of the Louvre, which soon grew more rapid. 
M. de Glandevés cried out: 

“Marshal, what can that be?” 

“Oh, on that side there is nothing to be anxious about. 
Good Heavens, will this reply never come!” 

However, at the end of a moment the Marshal observed, 
“The firing is getting stronger; we must go and see.” They 


1 Antoine Maurice Appolinaire, Comte d’Argout (1782-1858). Mme. 
de Boigne has referred to him in first volume of these Memoirs, p. 176 
note, and p. 184. 


300 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


went down to the staff quarters. ‘The Marshal took his hat 
and ran towards his horses, which were standing in front of 
the King’s stables. During these few minutes M. de Glan- 
devés said to him: | 

“Marshal, if you are going off, you must get a dragoon’s 
horse for me; I cannot be left here alone.” 

“Are you mad? We are bound to wait here for the 
answer from Saint Cloud.” 

As he was saying these words the Marshal mounted his 
horse. Hardly was he in the saddle when he perceived a 
column of Swiss running at full speed across the Carrousel. 
He vented his feelings with an energetic oath, and went off at a 
gallop in the vain hope of rallying the Swiss. Some seconds 
had elapsed when M. de Glandevés saw the Marshal with a 
handful of men trying to close the gateways of the court, 
while all the troops, including the artillery, were galloping at 
full speed across the palace square. Beneath the clock tower 
the people in pursuit of the soldiers had come out by the 
Rue de Louvre: they were already in the King’s apartments, 
which they had entered through the picture gallery. Poor 
Glandeves, finding himself the only member of his party in 
full uniform in the midst of the Carrousel, ran as hard as he 
could to reach the little staircase of the staff quarters. The 
pursuers fired upon him, but without effect. At the moment 
when he was entering the subterranean passage which leads 
from the staff quarters to the palace, my footman had seen 
him and spoken with him. His anxious appearance will 
readily be understood. 

He also told me that Alexandre de Laborde’ was a member 
of a provisional government which had met at the Hétel de 


1 Alexandre Louis Joseph, Comte de Laborde (1774-1842), director 
of the roads and bridges of the Seine, deputy from 1822 to 1841, prefect 
of the Seine during the Revolution of 1830, aide-de-camp to Louis 
Philippe I. 


THE GAME OF WHIST 301 


Ville, and asked me if I was able to get a passport from him 
which would enable him to pass the barricades and make his 
way to Saint Cloud. I immediately sat down to write a note 
to M. de Laborde, which I sent to his house. 

Some persons came to see me during the evening, and were 
delighted to find M. de Glandevés at my house, as they were 
anxious for his safety. ‘The Russian Ambassador sent to tell 
me that he was still too unwell to go out. M. Pasquier 
informed us of the return of M. de Sémonville and of the 
presence of M. d’Argout at the Hotel de Ville, where he had 
announced the arrival of the Duc de Mortemart, who had 
been appointed President of the Council and was ordered to 
form a Ministry which would include General Gérard and M. 
Casimir Périer. M. de Vitrolles, who had returned with MM. 
de Sémonville and d’Argout, had strongly urged this decision; 
hence it was possible to hope that it had been seriously 
adopted at Saint Cloud. M. de Glandevés, who was more 
intimate in that quarter than any of us, showed some doubts 
concerning its sincerity. I remember his own words: 
“Tt is a medicine which they will only take until their fears 
have passed away.” It was something to gain time at such a 
crisis, and we were greatly pleased. 

Glandevés also told us that during the Wednesday evening 
the King had been playing his game of whist with the win- 
dows open. The noise of the cannon and of the small 
arms could be distinctly heard. At each explosion the King 
gently flicked the tablecloth as if to remove a speck of dust. 
He gave no other sign to show that he was aware of what 
was going on. ‘The game proceeded as usual, and no courtier 
ventured to make the smallest remark upon the situation. At 
the time of giving the password, Charles X. had avoided speak- 
ing to any one who came from Paris, and etiquette was so 
strict that, although an arrangement had been made before 
the password for M. de La Bourdonnaye and General 


302 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Vincent to tell him the truth of the facts which they had wit- 
nessed, neither of them, nor any of those who were to support 
them, had ventured to take the initiative. When the game 
and the evening had concluded as usual, General Vincent had 
returned to the Tuileries, furious with the scene he had 
witnessed, disgusted with his post as equerry, and bursting 
with the desire to tell Glandevés what he had seen, who was 
himself unable to control his tongue. At such moments peo- 
ple do not weigh their words, and even courtiers speak the 
truth. 

The fact is that the King, wrapped up in his mystical 
ideas and encouraged by the correspondence of M. de Poli- 
gnac, was persuaded that everything was going on admirably, 
and would not be turned from the path which he thought, 
with great piety, that the Holy Virgin had marked out for 
him. The Comte de Broglie,’ governor of the school of 
Saint Cyr, reached Saint Cloud on the Wednesday afternoon, 
ereatly disturbed by what he had heard and seen as he 
passed Versailles. The King listened to him patiently, 
and took the trouble to reassure him at great length. When ~ 
he saw that he was withdrawing no less anxiously than he 
had come, he took him by the arm and said to him: 

‘Comte de Broglie, you at any rate are a man of faith. 
Have confidence therefore. Jules has seen the Holy Virgin 
again last night. She ordered him to persevere, and promised 
that all would end well.” ‘Though the Comte de Broglie 
was a religious man, he nearly collapsed at this revelation. 

I am also certainly informed that during the first days 
after his return to Paris the Duc de Luxembourg, Captain 
of the Guards, on duty at this time, understood that 
the departure from Rambouillet® was decided neither by 


1 The Prince de Broglie Revel, field-marshal. 
? On August 3d the populace of Paris organised a march upon Ram- 
bouillet, where Charles X. was after he had appointed the Duc d’Orléans 


MARTIN THE SEER 303 


Maison’ nor by M. Odilon Barrot,? but by the advice of Martin 
the seer. The King had sent to consult him through M. de 
la Rochejaquelein. He arrived at the moment when the 
commissioners were leaving, had an audience with the 
King, and the order for departure was forthwith given. 
I believe that M. de Luxembourg has since denied this fact, 
but it was related to me by his sister immediately after he 
had told her all the details. 

Etiquette was not always so strictly rigorous. Among 
the excellent reasons which I expounded on Wednesday 
morning to M. de La Rue, to prevent the Marshal from 
ordering the troops to fire on the people, I remember that I 
especially emphasised the eminent service which he would 
render to the King and to the royal family. 

‘At any rate, that would not be their opinion,” he an- 


as Lieutenant-General on August rst and had abdicated in favour of the 
Duc de Bordeaux on August 2d. The Lieutenant-General sent three 
commissioners to Rambouillet to induce the King to leave France and 
to accompany him into exile. These were Marshal Maison, MM. de 
Schonen and Odilon Barrot. A bold stroke would have been adequate 
to sweep away the rabble, which believed that the days of October 5 and 
6, 1789, had returned. The King, who was ill advised, preferred to 
withdraw, and thus lost his only chance of establishing his grandson on 
the throne. 

1 Nicholas Joseph Maison (1771-1840), enlisted as a volunteer in 1792, 
became brigadier-general after Austerlitz, and general of division in 
1812. He joined the side of Louis XVIII., and followed him to Ghent 
during the Hundred Days. He became peer of France, Marquis in 
1817, and marshal in 1828. He played an inglorious part in attendance 
on Charles X. at the time of the march upon Rambouillet. In 1830 he 
became Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador to Vienna in 1831, St. 
Petersburg in 1833, and Minister of War in 1835. 

? Camille Hyacinthe Odilon Barrot (1791-1873), a constitutional 
monarchist. He was a member of the municipal commission in July, 
1830, and organised the campaign of banquets which ended in the Revo- 
lution of 1848. He was Minister of the Prince President from 1848 to 
1849, and President of the Council of State after September 4, 1870. 
All his life was spent in Opposition. 

’ See second volume of these Memoirs, chapter XIX. 


304 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


swered, ‘“‘for yesterday evening the Marshal, instead of 
returning to Saint Cloud, sent word to say that he thought 
it his duty to spend the night at Paris with the King’s per- 
mission, though the rioters had been dispersed and peace 
established. ‘The officer who brought this message was 
shown in. The King was playing at whist with the Duchesse 
de Berry. When the officer had delivered his message, the 
Princess asked him: 

“Did the troops fire?’ 

“Ves, Madame.’ 

*Willingly ?’ 

“Ves, Madame.’ 

“““'Then I must embrace you for this good news.’ Sherose 
from the table, and the King said with a smile, ‘Come, come, 
sit down; no childishness.’” 


CHAPTER XXV 


A night of anxiety—Note from M. de Laborde—The workmen resume 
work—Benjamin Constant—M. Arago offers drink to the defenders 
of a barricade—A forgotten sentinel—Honesty and toleration of the 
populace—Pozzo changes his opinion—Letter from M. de Cha- 
teaubriand—Popular enthusiasm for M. de Lafayette—M. de 
Glandevés at Saint Cloud—Arrival of the Duc d’Orléans at the 
Palais Royal—General Sébastiani Minister of Foreign Affairs—I 
write to Mme. de Montjoie. 


I RETURN to Thursday evening. We were waiting in vain 
for news of the arrival of M. de Mortemart; finally at eleven 
o’clock we learnt that he had not yet come. As it is difficult 
to correct what we consider our logical anticipations of events, 
we attempted to explain this delay. Everybody gave his own 
opinion. I myself thought that numerous reinforcements had 
arrived, and that a fresh attack upon Paris had been decided. 
Towards midnight I found myself once more alone, more 
anxious and terrified than ever. I advised my household to 
be ready to evacuate the place at the first summons, and lay 
down upon my bed without undressing. 

I had often heard the Marshal say—we were not aware that 
he was no longer in command—that the best moment for an 
attack was just before daybreak, and I waited for sunrise at the 
sign of safety. Never did so short a night seem to me so long. 
About three o’clock in the morning a noise of musketry was 
heard. I learnt the next day that two strong patrols had 
met at the barrier of Clichy without recognising each other. 
I thought that this was the beginning of the attack. I sprang 
from my bed, rang the bell, and assembled the servants. It 

395 


306 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


was at that moment that I felt the greatest measure of alarm 
throughout these exciting days. However, the firing ceased. 
We listened with great anxiety, but the most complete silence 
prevailed throughout the town. From time to time an iso- 
lated gun-shot awoke the echoes, but such shots were fired in 
every direction, and did not betoken an attack. At length 
the sun rose brilliant and radiant: I breathed freely and 
attempted to woo sleep, but in vain. I was in excellent health 
at that time, but on twelve occasions I passed the twenty- 
four hours without closing an eyelid, so great was the excite- 
ment of the moment. We were all animated by an electrical 
influence. 

Wednesday, July 28th,’ so fertile in great events at the Hétel 
de Ville, at the Luxembourg, at the Palais Bourbon, at Saint 
Cloud and at Neuilly, has left me with fewer memories to 
relate than the other days. ‘This is natural, for the scene of 
events was no longer the street, open to every eye, and the 
actors were too absorbed in their parts to have any time for 
relating details. 

In the morning I received an answer to my note of the 
evening before from M. de Laborde. He told me that he had 
received it at midnight when he came back from the Hotel 
de Ville, where he had been waiting for the Duc de Morte- 
mart until that hour. He was returning at six for the same 
purpose, but he added, “I fear that this morning will be too 
late for the success of his mission.”” He promised me a pass 
for M. de Glandevés, to whom one was sent by M. Casimir 
Périer at an early hour. 

I should note that upon that Friday all the workmen who 
were employed at my house returned to work in the most 
peaceable manner. Several of them had taken an active part 


1 The French text reads July 30th; Mme. de Boigne apparently con- 
fused the days of the month and of the week; the numbers have been 
corrected from this point onwards.—TRANSLATOR. 


MONSIEUR ARAGO 307 


in the conflicts of the two preceding days, and related their 
experiences with heroic simplicity. I also saw the workshops 
in my neighbourhood reopened. However, the defenders of 
the barricades remained at their posts, and could be seen with 
guns on their shoulders and loaves of bread under their arms. 
Some, with the object of increasing their warlike appearance, 
stuck their bread on the end of their bayonets; but all were 
alike peaceable and polite. 

I was recalled to the window which I had just left by the 
sound of a drum. At that time any sound was alarming, 
and doors and windows were consequently thronged with 
people in a moment. We saw a band of armed men slowly 
advancing, preceded by a drummer, and escorting a stretcher 
upon which was a mattress, upon which again reclined a man 
in the attitude of an opera Tancred. He made a gesture 
with his hand to still the acclamations which no one seemed 
inclined to raise in his honour. As he passed beneath my 
window this modest individual raised his head and I recog- 
nised the ugly face of M. Benjamin Constant. I cannot 
describe the impression which the sight of him caused. The 
days of nobility and heroism seemed to be over, while false- 
hood and intrigue were about to enter upon the scene. My 
instincts were not deceived. 

I return to the events of those earlier days, over which I 
linger with the greater pleasure as later days have somewhat 
obscured their due rights. On leaving me the previous 
evening, Arago had been stopped by some workmen, who 
required him to help them on a barricade. He thought it 
prudent to lend a hand with a show of willingness, though he 
was exceedingly anxious to get away. One of the workers 
observed that he had been there for eighteen hours without 
food or drink, that he was exceedingly hungry and had not 
a halfpenny. Arago thought that this was an excellent 
opportunity: he drew a crown from his pocket and the 


308 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


workman stretched out his hand, but one of his comrades 
stopped him: 

‘‘Are you going to take it? It is dishonourable.” 

The other withdrew his hand, thanking Arago very 
politely and saying, ‘‘You see, sir, that it cannot be done.” 

Then a discussion rose between them, in the course of 
which M. Arago attempted to prove that, as he was richer 
than they, it was reasonable that he should be allowed to 
contribute his money as well as his labour to the common 
cause. ‘This argument shook their resolution, even that of 
the former spokesman, and Arago reproduced the crown, but 
he proposed that they should go and spend it in drink, and 
this suggestion ruined the whole business. 

“What, drink! You are probably an enemy who wants 
to make us drunk. Drink indeed! We need possession of 
all our faculties. It is quite possible that we shall be at- 
tacked to-night. Comrades, we are hungry and thirsty, but 
that is nothing; we shall eat to-morrow. Put your money in 
your pocket and pick up that paving-stone.” 

Confidence was not sufficiently established for Arago to 
venture upon a reply, so he silently resumed his task. Soon 
a pupil from the Polytechnic School arrived to inspect the 
work. He showed the utmost respect for his professor, and 
consulted him with regard to the orders that he gave. The 
hero of the paving-stone listened to them attentively, and 
then addressed the pupil: 

“‘My little general, is this gentleman one of us?” 

“Certainly he is, my friend.” 

“Sir, will you have the kindness to give us what you 
offered us just now? We will drink your health most willing- 
ly, for we are mortally thirsty.” 

A man in society, M. de Bastard, saw a workman on sentry 
duty at one of the gates of the Tuileries on the point of 
fainting. He said that the authorities had forgotten to 


HONESTY OF THE POPULACE 309 


relieve him, that he had been there for twenty hours and felt 
exhausted. 

“Then you must go and take some refreshment.” 

“But who will guard my post?” 

“T will.” 

“Vou, sir? That is extremely kind of you. Well, here 
is my gun.” 

“Very good; and here are five francs to pay for your 
dinner.” 

“That is too much, sir.” 

After a quarter of an hour the workman came back to his 
post, bringing with him three francs, as he had only spent two 
upon his dinner. 

Stories of this kind might be repeated without ceasing. 
In several parts of the town people had gone into the houses 
in order to fire through the windows, had found tables laid 
and valuables lying about, but in no case throughout these 
disturbances was the smallest theft committed. ‘There was, 
however, some pillaging in the rooms of the second in com- 
mand at the Tuileries. But it is very possible that it may 
have been committed afterwards by the subalterns of the 
Chateau. They were suspected by those who inhabited the 
rooms. At the outset scruples went so far that the mat- 
tresses taken from the Archbishop’s house, as well as the silver 
plate, were carried in procession to the hospital. 

A further characteristic of this time, upon which I cannot 
too strongly insist, was the universal toleration. I went out 
that morning with M. de Salvandy; neither of us wore any 
fragment of tricolour. Many people, including those who 
were most opposed to the course of events, were bedecked 
with tricolours. Women, who took their stand by preference 
near the barricades, were carrying tricolour cockades in 
baskets before them, and offered them to the passers-by 
as they usually sold flowers. The common phrase, “Buy a 


310 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


flower for the lady,’’ had been replaced by the words, “ Here, 
sir, a tricolour for the lady.” M. de Salvandy continually 
declined with some appearance of ill temper, but without 
producing more effect than if he had refused a bunch of 
lilies. | 
I went to the house of the Russian Ambassador; he had 
made great progress since the evening before. Disgusted at 
the neglect which Saint Cloud showed towards the diplomatic 
body,’ he loudly proclaimed the impossibility of re-entering a 
capital which had been stained with blood. According to 
him, the action of M. de Mortemart was futile and too late 
to succeed. ‘The cowardice of the rulers was only equalled by 
their incapacity, and it was necessary to look towards the 
d’Orléans family. Only upon that side was there safety, and 
everybody should join them, etc. There were several people 
in the room where these phrases were uttered. I believe 
that Baron von Werther’ was there, though I cannot be certain 
of the fact. | 

I do not precisely remember the hour, but it was late in 
the morning when I reached home again and found Arago 
waiting for me. Since his last visit he had heard that 
energetic efforts were being made on behalf of a republic, and © 
said that he had just been arguing against this ridiculous 
project. The chances of success for Mortemart’s Ministry 
were disappearing, but some decision must be taken rapidly 
if we were not to fall into the disorder of complete anarchy. 
He was to meet the leaders in the evening, and would attempt 
to bring them to reason. He could answer for the pupils of 


1 Mme. de Gontaut says in her Mémoires: ‘‘The papal nuncio, Sir 
Charles Stuart Rothesay, and Count Pozzo di Borgo, understanding the 
seriousness of the King’s position, went to Saint Cloud to explain the 
facts to him; the Duc de Duras would not admit them. There are 
momentsin life when disobedience is a duty, if it brings safety to another” 
(p. 319). 

4 Prussian Minister at Paris, 


MONSIEUR DE CHAUTEAUBRIAND 311 


the Polytechnic School for a few hours, but no longer. Those 
gloomy revelations only served to increase my anxiety. 

Although Arago said nothing but the truth, these out- 
rageous ideas were not, I must repeat, those of the mass of 
the populace which had arisen and was in ferment. I will 
choose one piece of evidence among many. I was greatly 
anxious to send a letter to my family at Pontchartrain. I 
conceived the idea of addressing it to my father, and of telling 
the bearer to show it, saying that it was to summon a peer of 
France. He appeared at the barrier, which no one was pass- 
ing, at five o’clock on Friday morning. Not only was it 
immediately thrown open to him, but a kind of passport was 
given to him when he explained his mission, in order to take 
him across those districts which were already “liberated,” as 
the phrase went. 

I am greatly vexed that I did not keep this document, but 
at that time I thought it only the dirty scrap of paper which 
it was. 

About this time I received a letter from M. de Chateau- 
briand. He informed me that he had been on his way to me, 
when he had been stopped by the popular enthusiasm. His 
invention had not yet represented the incident as a national 
triumph, and he was somewhat embarrassed by the shouts of 
a few street loafers." He had been conducted to the Luxem- 
bourg, and had been greatly vexed to find several peers 
assembled, whereas he had received no summons. When 

1 See in the Appendix at the end of the volume this letter from M. de 
Chateaubriand to Mme. de Boigne. 

“‘M. de Chateaubriand had been intoxicated by a kind of ovation with 
which he had been honoured by about fifteen young men who had helped 
him to cross a barricade at the bottom of the Rue de Tournon. In his 
enthusiasm he unguardedly replied to some people who were anxious 
for the principle of legitimacy at such a crisis: ‘Set your minds at rest. 
Preserve the liberty of the Press. Leave me a pen, ink, and paper, and 


if the principle of legitimacy is overthrown, I will raise it again in three 
months.’”—Mémoires du Chancelier Pasquier, Vol. VI., p. 291. 


312 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


he reached his house he had written to Charles X. to ask 
him for an audience at which he might place himself at his 
disposal. 

I was with Mme. de Rauzan, when we heard a great noise 
in her courtyard. The yard was soon filled by a crowd of 
people dragging a cart filled with straw upon which a cannon 
was comfortably placed, which the sovereign people proposed 
to present to their leader Lafayette. This crowd was sent 
away to the staff quarters of the National Guard in the Rue de 
Mont Blanc. They committed no excesses, but were hideous 
to behold, uttering frightful yells, and dreadful women were 
among them. They were not like my friends of the barri- 
cades. Poor Mme. de Ladéboyére nearly died of fright. 
However, there was no danger; they were only cries of joy and 
triumph, though of a repulsive character. 

As I left the table a letter was brought to me summoning 
my father to the Luxembourg, where the President of the 
Council, the Duc de Mortemart, was awaiting the peers. M. 
Pasquier came in to see me on his way to the Luxembourg, 
and was much disturbed on account of the health of M. de 
Mortemart. I told him the opinions of Pozzo and the dis- 
closures of Arago. I did not produce much effect. He 
seemed very serious, and agreed that much time had been lost, 
but that there were still possibilities if any one were willing 
to profit by the astonishment which the two parties felt, the 
one at being defeated and the other at its triumph; the 
consequent hesitation might be used to arrange some reason- 
able compromise which would attract the masses, who only 
demanded peace and security. He stayed but a few moments. 
Communication was not easy, and was only possible on foot, 
and though time was so precious during those days, much of 
it was expended upon indispensable journeys. 

I was much surprised to see M. de Glandevés, who had 
started in the morning for Saint Cloud with the intention of 


MONSIEUR DE GLANDEVES 313 


remaining there. He had been deeply wounded by the 
manner of his reception. Possibly the fact that he had 
shaken hands with Casimir Périer had been denounced. The 
fact remains that the King had received him most coldly, and 
had ostentatiously declined to speak with him, though he 
was a kind of favourite. After he had vainly waited for an 
opportune moment, he at length requested an audience. ‘The 
King moved into the recess of a window. M. de Glandevés 
attempted to speak to him of the situation in Paris, but the 
King insisted in replying in a voice sufficiently loud to be 
heard by the Baron de Damas and two or three other faith- 
ful members of the Congregation who were in the room. M. 
de Glandevés then said to him: 

“T see that the King does not wish to listen to me; I will 
therefore confine myself to requesting his orders for my future 
movements.” 

“Go back to the Tuileries.” 

“The King forgets that they are invaded and surmounted 
by the tricolour flag.” 

“In any case, it is impossible to put you up here.” 

“Then, Sire, I will return to Paris.’ 

“The best thing that you can do.” 

“Has the King any other orders for me?” 

“No, I have none, but you had better see my son. Good 
day to you.” 

M. de Glandeveés went off to the Dauphin. 

“Sire, the King has sent me to ask if you have any orders 
to give me for Paris, as I am returning there.” 

“TI? No. What orders should I have to give you? You 
are not one of my army.” With that the Dauphin turned 
his back on him. In such a way was one of the most faith- 
ful servants of the monarchy dismissed upon July 28th. He 
was heartbroken. He had heard M. de Polignac reply to 
Mme. de Gontaut, who overwhelmed him with reproaches, 


314 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


“Have faith, have faith; none of you have faith enough.” 
He also heard him repeat this remark several times: “If the 
sword had not broken in my hands, I would have established 
the Charter upon immovable foundations.”” ‘This phrase was 
no easier to explain than the rest of his conduct, but in any 
case he seemed to be perfectly self-satisfied. On the other 
hand, the poor Duc de Raguse was in despair at events in 
Paris and crushed by all that he saw at Saint Cloud, although 
his scene with the Dauphin had not yet taken place. 

- Pozzo came to see me. M. de Glandevés gave him the 
details of his visit to Saint Cloud, and recommenced his litany 
of the morning and of the evening before. 

“They are ruined and done for. Neuilly contains the only 
resource which can save the country.” 

I spoke to him. of the condition of M. Mortemart. 

“He is a brave and excellent man,” he said to me; “but 
even if he were in full health, he is not a strong man at this 
time. In any case, no one could do anything with those 
people.” 

Pozzo left me early. Several people came in whose names 
I have forgotten. M. Pasquier came late, but he had seen 
M. de Mortemart, who was in bed with a violent attack of 
fever. Nothing had occured at the Hétel de Ville or at the 
Chamber of Deputies to further his mission. ‘The few peers 
he had gathered at the Luxembourg would have willingly 
supported the monarchy, but they felt that their influence 
under the circumstances was insignificant. Nobody desired a 
republic, but it became an imminent possibility if some de- 
cisicn were not promptly taken, and whatever form it as- 
sumed, a decision could only proceed from Neuilly. There 
were vague rumours that some steps had been taken in that 
direction. At length, towards midnight, M. de Fréville’ 
came to tell us that the Duc d’Orléans had arrived at the 


1 Baron de Fréville, Councillor of State. 


GENERAL SEBASTIANI 318 


Palais Royal. It had been decided to form a provisional 
government: the Prince was to be at the head of it, the 
ministers had been nominated, and General Sébastiani’ had 
been appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. I cried out that 
this was a fatal choice. I knew Pozzo’s hatred for him and 
the intensity of his Corsican feelings. The mention of this 
name would have been enough to make him as hostile to the 
Duc d’Orléans as he was then favourable. His great in- 
fluence upon the diplomatic body would have been an enor- 
mous obstacle. Everybody recognised the fact and the 
importance of explaining it to the Palais Royal. I was urged 
to undertake the task, but it was midnight, and the nomina- 
tions were to be published, it was said, the next morning! 

Here begins the small political part which I was able to play 
in these great events. It was neither foreseen nor prepared, 
and lasted but one day. The Carlist party learnt of it, and 
was unduly indignant with me in consequence. I was dragged 
into it without premeditation, by the force of circumstances. 
Possibly, however, I was able at this early moment to facilitate 
the establishment of the new royalty, for which the Russian 
Ambassador had openly declared. I should have kept 
unbroken silence upon the whole of this affair, if the Am- 
bassador himself had not been the first to speak of it. 

On Saturday, July 31st, at daybreak, after careful reflection 
throughout the night, I decided to write to Mme. de Montjoie.? 
I reminded her of the remarks of M. de Sémonville and of our 
conversation on the Tuesday. It was strange to observe that 


1 Horace Francois Bastien, Comte Sébastiani (1772-1851), sub-lieu- 
tenant in 1789, colonel in Italy, brigadier-general at the camp of Bou- 
logne, general of division after Austerlitz, Ambassador in Turkey in 
1806, on half-pay after Waterloo, deputy from 1819 to 1830, Naval 
Minister, and Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time of the Revolution 
of 1830; Ambassador at Naples and London, and marshal in 1840. 

2 The Comtesse de Montjoie, lady of honour to Mademoiselle d’Or- 
léans. 


316 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


what had been the gossip of two women on Tuesday should 
have become history on Friday. I then asked her if the 
authorities at the Palais Royal were aware of Pozzo’s pro- 
found aversion for General Sébastiani, and of the extent to 
which his nomination would certainly alienate the Ambassa- 
dor, who was at present most favourably disposed. I added 
that if I could hear of a time when I should not be intruding, I 
should be tempted to run the risk of the barricades and to 
pay her a visit to continue the conversation of ‘Tuesday. 

I sent this note to the Palais Royal. An answer was re- 
turned to the effect that everybody was at Neuilly, but that 
my note would be sent out. I thought that M. de Fréville 
had been mistaken when he told us the previous evening that 
the Duc d’Orléans had arrived at the Palais Royal. As a 
matter of fact, he was there, but nothing had yet been de- 
cided, and the fact of his arrival was kept secret. 


CHAPTER XXVI 


I refuse to start for Pontchartrain—Position of the Duc de Raguse— 
General anxiety—Reply of Mme. de Montjoie—I go to Neuilly 
with M. Arago—Proclamation by the Lieutenant-General—Death 
of a grenadier in the Royal Guard—Arrived at Neuilly—Conversa- 
tion with Mademoiselle and the Duchesse d’Orléans—The two Prin- 
cesses differ in opinion. 


I RECEIVED a letter from my mother, which was brought to 
me by Moreau, the steward of Pontchartrain. He had left 
his carriage outside the barriers, and was anxious to take me 
away if I would consent. My mother begged me urgently. 
She thought she should even see one of her children besieged 
and reduced to starvation by the other. Her vivid imagina- 
tion carried her back to the time of the Henriade. ‘These 
misfortunes, however, seemed the less probable as Moreau 
told me that Saint Cloud had been abandoned. The King 
was withdrawing; the road to Versailles was covered with 
troops in consternation, while deserters were crowded together 
on every side. I went to take this news to M. Pasquier, and 
found the Duc de Broglie with him. He had already heard 
of the retirement to Rambouillet. Both of them advised me 
strongly to remain at Paris, as being the spot where I should 
be safest for the moment. The Duc de Broglie had sum- 
moned his wife and children to the town. I was easily per- 
suaded, for I took too great an interest in current events to 
be anxious to withdraw. I therefore returned home to write 
to my mother, and explained my objections to leaving, and 
especially to following the road and surmounting the many 
obstacles over which Moreau proposed to take me. 

317 


318 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


On my way I called upon Mme. de Rauzan. She had 
been informed of the departure: her father had sent her 
word by one of his men that the court was going to spend 
some days at Trianon. She told me of the scene which had 
taken place between the Dauphin and the Duc de Raguse,* 
and her description was even exaggerated. We admitted 
her fears that the Marshal’s state of mind after such an 
outburst might induce him to leave the court and return to 
Paris, regardless of the personal danger that he would then 
run. For this reason, when writing to my mother, I begged 
her to try and inform the Marshal of his position within 
Paris, and to send him money to enable him to withdraw if 
he should separate from the King and find himself without 
means. . 

As a matter of fact, Moreau, who had come to Paris to 
fetch me, went the next day from Pontchartrain to Ram- 
bouillet, made his way to the Marshal, brought him money, 
and offered to take him through the forest to a shooting- 
box which he inhabited, where he might very well remain 
hidden. The Marshal hesitated, and then decided to stay. 
I do not think the other alternative would have proved 
any more profitable to him. It was dangerous for him to 
continue his task and remain at his post, but at that time I 
did not know whether his position was in any way endurable. 


‘The Duc d’Angouléme had been appointed generalissimo on July 
29th. The Duc de Raguse was major-general of the Guard. ‘The com- 
mission given to the Duc de Mortemart to form a Cabinet with Casimir 
Périer and General Gérard, together with the repeal of the ordinances, 
displeased the Dauphin; he published orders of the day to the army 
written in a hostile sense. Marmont, on the other hand, published 
orders announcing the pacification; moreover, he took his orders directly 
from the King upon certain points of detail. The Duc d’Angouléme 
rebuked him strongly for acting without the approval of himself, the 
Commander-in-Chief, and the discussion became so acrimonious that 
the Prince put him under arrest and ordered him to hand over his sword. 
Marmont explained that he would prefer to break it; the Duc d’Angou- 


GENERAL ANXIETY 310 


While I was writing to my mother, visitor after visitor 
came in. Everybody was in despair, for nothing was decided 
and no news had been published. The same people who 
have since asserted, maintained, and printed that the Duc 
d’Orléans was so necessary to the country that he might have 
held out for a long time in order to secure the most ad- 
vantageous conditions, were then terrified and in despair 
at every hour’s delay. ‘They were loudly impatient because 
he did not immediately plunge into the movement. 

“Let him begin by seizing the power,” they said; ‘“‘ex- 
planations can come later.’”’ ‘This was the general opinion, 
and I admit that I shared it. Anarchy was coming upon 
us from all sides, and seemed to me to be the worst of evils. 

Arago arrived in complete bewilderment; his efforts had 
been in vain. He had just left a meeting of young men 
who were preparing to proclaim the republic. ‘Then the 
Duchesse de Rauzan came in with the same news. Moreau 
had also heard this rumour in the street, and used it as a 
further argument for taking me away. However, I continued 
to decline, and sent him off with my answer. 

At that moment I received an answer from Mme. de 
Montjoie. 

“Your note,” she said, “only reached me at ten o’clock, 


1éme rushed upon the Marshal to take it from him, and was wounded in 
the hand. He called for help, and ordered the body-guard to arrest the 
Duc de Raguse and to keep him under supervision. Half an hour later, 
when the King heard the news, he sent the captain of his guard, the Duc 
de Luxembourg, to return his sword to the Marshal, and insisted that his 
son should make peace with him. Marmont was with difficulty ap- 
peased, and the command remained completely disorganised. 

In any case, during these unhappy days there was no harmony of any 
kind among those about Charles X. Father and son were no more in 
agreement than their subordinates. The legitimate monarchy fell rather 
beneath the dissension and the lamentable incapacity of its uninspired 
councillors than beneath the Parisian revolt, which might easily have 
been overcome by some few opportune concessions. 


320 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


and is now in the hands of the Duc d’Orléans. Come quickly, 
my dear; you are expected here with the most eager and 
touching anxiety.” . I wished to question the messenger, but 
he had gone back. ‘The note was dated from Neuilly at half 
past ten. How wasI to get there? Any journey in carriages 
was impossible. Arago and Mme. de Rauzan alike urged 
me to go and explain the situation, and to hasten some 
solution. After a few moments of hesitation, I decided to 
start on foot. Arago gave me his arm. Mme. de Rauzan 
helped me to put on my hat in her hurry to see me start. 
As she tied the strings I said to her: 

“You are my witness that I am not going to Neuilly as 
an Orléanist, but as a good Frenchwoman who desires the 
peace of the country.” 

She wished me every success, and told me that my mission 
was a work of charity. 

When we reached the Place Beauvau, we heard a manu- 
script proclamation read aloud from the Lieutenant-General 
of the Realm.’ It was a proclamation which asserted “The 
Charter will henceforward be a reality.”” ‘The man who was 
publishing it stopped every hundred paces to read it again. 
Groups formed about the reader, and the effect was as follows. 
The proclamation was heard with great anxiety; it produced 
no joy or enthusiasm, but great relief. Every one returned 
quietly to his business, as though he had heard a satisfactory 
solution to a most urgent problem and as though he was 
breathing more freely. This impression seems to me to have 


1In the course of Friday, sixty deputies who had met at the Palais 
Bourbon had decided to offer the post of Lieutenant-General of the 
Realm to the Duc d’ Orléans, with the restoration of the national colours. 
The peers, who had met to the number of thirty, declined to take any 
action. The Prince had returned from Raincy, whither he had gone 
during the Friday night, and did not receive the deputation until Satur- 
day morning. He accepted the post of Lieutenant-General, and issued 
the proclamation of which Mme. de Boigne speaks. 


DEATH OF A GRENADIER 321 


been general, but it must be remembered that I speak only 
of what I saw. It is possible that in other parts of the 
town the effect may have been very different. 

I must again delay upon my road to relate another incident 
which I saw and which I can never remember without emo- 
tion. We were making our way with difficulty along the 
Rue du Roule, as we had to climb the barricades as well as 
to ascend the hill. We were overtaken by a group at the 
head of which was walking a pupil of the Polytechnic School, 
who was little more than a boy. He held his sword in his 
hand, and waved it, repeating in a grave and sonorous voice, 
“Way for the brave!”’ All the barricades were lowered in 
an instant to permit the passing of an armed patrol, in the 
midst of which a wounded man was carried upon a stretcher. 
This procession soon passed us, but we hurried our steps in 
order to take advantage of the passage which opened before 
it and closed again immediately. When it had nearly 
reached the hospital of Beaujon it stopped, there was a 
moment’s hesitation, and some words were exchanged. 

The stretcher was placed upon the ground, and the young 
pupil, who was raised above the whole scene by the steep slope 
of the hill, stretched out his arm and his sword, and in his 
fine, grave and sonorous voice, which I had already noticed, 
said with the deepest expressiveness, ‘‘ Peace to the brave!” 

Everybody in the street, including the escort which sur- 
rounded the stretcher, fell upon their knees. After a mo- 
ment’s silence the stretcher was lifted, and the convoy 
turned back. It should be added that the uniform and the 
cap laid upon the stretcher clearly showed that the wounded 
man who had died upon the way to the hospital was a grena- 
dier of the Royal Guard. I can never recall this scene with- 
out feelings of deep emotion. 

One of my reasons for going to Neuilly was to secure the 
special protection of the Princesses for the Duc de Raguse, 


322 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


assuming that he found himself in a dangerous position as a 
result of the events at Saint Cloud. Arago and I were agreed 
that we would both speak to him concerning the conversa- 
tion which he had had with the Marshal at the Academy 
and the Tuileries. At length we reached Neuilly. Mme. 
de Dolomieu’ was waiting for me in the courtyard. I was 
exhausted, for the heat was suffocating. She took me to the 
rooms of Mme. de: Montjoie for a moment’s rest. But 
Mademoiselle? came in immediately: she took me into her 
private room after exchanging a few politenesses with Arago. 
She was in a state of obvious excitement, but her bearing 
was calm and resolute. She showed me a letter from her - 
brother, written in pencil, in practically the following words: 

“Undoubtedly we must not alienate Pozzo; Sébastiani will 
not be appointed. ‘Try and let him know.” 

I readily undertook this duty. 

No one at Neuilly had yet heard of the proclamation 
which had been read in the streets. I remembered the 
language fairly accurately, and repeated it to Mademoiselle. 
As soon as I gave the title of the proclamation of the Lieu- 
tenant-General, she stopped me. 

“Of the Lieutenant-General? You are mistaken, my 
dear.” 

‘“‘No, Mademoiselle; I heard it three or four times, and I 
am certain of it.” 

“He only intended to take the title ‘Commander of 
Paris.’” 

‘“‘He must have been carried away by the general desires. — 
He must be able to command outside Paris as well as within 
the city: every one is agreed on that point.” 


1 The Marquise de Dolomieu, lady of honour to the Duchesse d’Or- 
léans. : 

? Mademoiselle d’Orléans, Madame Adélaide under the July Mon- 
archy. 


ATVNEUILLY me 


This statement was precisely accurate at that time. I told 
Mademoiselle the names of those whom I had met the 
evening before and the same day. From Mme. de Rauzan 
and her clique to the defenders of the barricades, all de- 
manded the interference of the Duc d’Orléans. 

Mademoiselle admitted that such action was wholly 
necessary; but in her opinion one step was indispensable, the 
duty of which was clear. It was necessary to intervene 
between the combatants to prevent further bloodshed, to 
stop the civil war, to secure a general disarmament and 
the re-establishment of peace and order. She was so per- 
-suaded of this fact that when her brother had been sent 
for the previous evening, she had given full assurances 
to those who wished to see him in the part of peacemaker, 
and when she found that his absence might produce some 
real delay, she had offered to go to Paris if she could be of 
the smallest use in re-establishing public peace. She thought, 
as her brother did, that upon this first step there could be no 
hesitation, and that he should assume the power under the 
most modest of all possible titles, in order to avoid frighten- 
ing any one. ‘Then he would find himself in a position to act 
according to circumstances, while determinations taken at 
leisure were always better than those made off-hand at a 
moment of such keen excitement. 

We spoke of all that was happening at Paris and at Saint 
Cloud. She knew of the departure and of the retreat to 
Rambouillet, although Trianon had been the place officially 
mentioned. She had also heard of the scene between the 
Dauphin and the Duc de Raguse. I cannot say whether this 
news had come directly to Neuilly or from Paris. 

While we were talking, Mme. de Dolomieu came to take 
me to the Duchesse d’Orléans. 

“Go to my sister at once,’ said Mademoiselle to me, ‘‘and 
try to cheer her up a little. She is in a terrible state,” 


324 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


I followed Mme. de Dolomieu to the Princess’ room and 
entered alone. She was in her bedroom, in a dressing-gown 
and curl-papers, sitting in a great arm-chair with her back to 
the light. ‘The Princesse Louise was on her knees before her, 
with her head leaning on the arm of the chair, and both were 
in tears. ‘The Duchesse d’Orléans held out her hand, drew 
me towards her, and leaning upon me, began to sob. The 
young princess rose and went out, and I took her place. Her 
mother continued to cling to me, and to repeat through her 
tears: 

‘What a catastrophe! What a catastrophe! And we 
might have been at Eu!” | 

I succeeded in calming her in some degree. I spoke to her 
of the general desires, of the magnificent position which lay 
before the Duc d’Orléans, and of the universal wish for his 
action. I believed what I said, and moreover, I must again 
repeat that it was true. I also repeated to her the good 
effect of the proclamation. She did not pause at the title, 
but her attention was arrested by the expression, ‘‘The 
Charter will be henceforward a reality.”’ She approved of the 
phrase, and spoke to me of her husband and of the purity of 
his intentions, with all her adoration for him. I ventured to 
say to her: 

‘Well, Madame, would France be so unhappy in such 
hands if our Guillaume III. took the title of Philippe VII. ?” 

“Heaven preserve us from that, my dear! They would 
call him a usurper”’; and her sobs began again. 

“Doubtless, Madame, they would call him a usurper, and 
they would be right. But if they called him a conspirator 
they would be wrong. Conspiracy is the only blameworthy 
element in usurpation, and none of his contemporaries would 
raise that charge against him.” 

“Oh yes, most certainly he has not conspired. The King 
knows that better than anybody. With what good faith and 


DUCHESSE D’ORLEANS 325 


what openness has he always spoken of him! Only a month 
ago at Rosny they talked together more than half an hour, 
and at the end of the conversation he said to my husband, 
‘Be sure that I understand my position as you do. I am 
persuaded that there is no safety outside of the Charter, and 
I give you my word that nothing will induce me to transgress 
it.” And then to pass these ordinances!” 

One of the first questions the Duchesse d’Orléans had 
asked me was if I had heard anything of the Dauphine. 
She returned to this question when she had become somewhat 
calmer. When she learned that the Dauphine was on her 
way back to Saint Cloud, she grew very uneasy. Since 
the previous Sunday, when the Duc d’Orléans had been to 
pay his respects to the King, there had been no official com- 
munication between Saint Cloud and Neuilly. They had 
learnt of the coup détat from the Moniteur on Monday. 
During the night between Tuesday and Wednesday, an 
anonymous note haa come to them stating that orders had 
been given to send a body of troops to Neuilly to carry off 
the Duc d’Orléans and to take him to Saint Cloud, where he 
would be kept as a kind of hostage. Thereupon the Prince 
had mounted a horse, and had spent the day at some distance 
from Neuilly. The Duchesse d’Orléans had been so pre- 
occupied with this idea of a summons to Saint Cloud that 
when young Gérard had arrived the evening before from the 
Hétel de Ville to beg the Duc d’Orléans to come to Paris, 
she had received him, had taken him for M. de Champagny, 
the Dauphin’s aide-de-camp, and had answered him in 
accordance with this idea. ‘They had talked at cross purposes 
for two minutes. 

She told me that as soon as the Duc heard that his presence 
was required to stop the insurrection, he had not thought 
of hesitating. He said to her: 

“Amélie, you know that I am not afraid of this moment, 


326 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


for I have foreseen it only too clearly. Now that it has 
come, the path of duty is clear. I must follow that path and 
save the country, for the country alone is in the right.” 

She had answered, ‘‘Go, my dear. I feel no anxiety, and 
am sure you will always act for the best.” 

Then the poor woman began to weep again more than ever. 

‘‘Oh, my dear friend, my happiness is past. I have been 
too happy.”? And clasping her hands, she exclaimed again, 
‘OQ God! I hope I have not been ungrateful. I have 
enjoyed my happiness, but I have always been duly thankful 
for it.’ And so she continued to weep and exclaim. 

I urged her to be less downcast, and pointed out that the 
Duc d’Orléans would need all his self-command. Nothing 
would be more likely to ruin him than the despair of one 
whom he loved more than anything in the world. She told 
me that she was quite aware of the fact, and that though she 
thus gave way before myself, she would adopt a very different 
attitude when necessary. ‘The glory and happiness of her 
husband had always been the first interests of her life, and 
she would not fail them now. 

I urged her strongly to go to Paris. 

‘Ride out in your carriage, Madame, with all your children. 
Take your State carriages and full livery, and the barricades 
will fall before you. People will be flattered by this confidence, 
will receive you with enthusiasm, and you will reach the Palais 
Royal amid cheers, without the smallest doubt.” 

“If my husband bade me do so, I would certainly go as 
you say. But, my dear, I should feel great reluctance. It 
would be a kind of triumph and mockery at the other side, 
you understand. I should very much like to reach the 
Palais Royal and rejoin my husband as soon as possible, but 
I would rather do it quietly.” 

“T can understand your delicate feelings, but this is not 
the moment for delicacy. Anything that can confirm the 


DIFFERENCES OF OPINION 327 


popularity of the d’Orléans and show how the country desires 
them, seems, in my opinion, valuable for its safety.” 

The Duchesse d’Orléans, with her accustomed kindness, 
was much disturbed at my fatigue and the extreme heat 
through which I had come to Neuilly. She had ordered a 
carriage to take me back to the barriers, and this carriage was 
now announced. She wished to keep me with her longer, but 
I pointed out to her that it was necessary for me to see Pozzo 
as soon as possible. She made me promise to return the next 
day, either to Neuilly, or to the Palais Royal, where she then 
hoped to be. I found one of Mademoiselle’s footmen waiting 
to take me back to her. She asked me how I had left her 
sister-in-law. I replied, “Somewhat calmer, but greatly 
moved.”’ It was clear to me that the two Princesses, notwith- 
standing their close intimacy, were not in full confidence at 
this moment. I told Mademoiselle of the advice I had given 
to the Duchesse d’Orléans concerning her entry into Paris. 
I must admit that in her case I did not encounter the same 
kind of objection. But she told me that it was too important 
a step for her to take the initiative without her brother’s 
orders. ‘This was true, but if the question had been put, an 
answer might have arrived in an hour, during which time the 
carriages could have been got ready. The arrival of his 
family amid the acclamations of the people, as would inevi- 
tably have happened, would have provided the Duc d’Orléans 
with an excellent argument against the little circle of par- 
tisans, who were regarded as unduly important because they 
were the only persons who were seen and heard. 

Fate decided otherwise. The Princesses reached the 
Palais Royal at midnight and on foot, travelling in an omnibus 
as far as the barricades would allow and unrecognised. I 
cannot but regret that they did not choose the course I had 
pointed out upon that day. 

During my conversation with Mademoiselle we had not 


328 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


gone beyond the title of Lieutenant-General, though ° her 
sister-in-law had ventured to pronounce the title of Philip 
VII. However, I went away none the less persuaded that 
Mademoiselle was keenly anxious to see the crown of France 
upon her brother’s head, whereas the Duchesse d’Orléans 
regarded this prospect with horror and aversion. 


CHAPTER XXVII 


My relations with the Duchesse d’Orléans—Her character—Her virtues 
—Good qualities and defects of Mademoiselle—I go to see Pozzo— 
His attitude—‘‘They wish to reign’—Jules de Polignac and the 
diplomatic body—Strange indifference shown to the Ambassadors 
—Note from Mme. Récamier—‘‘Glorious Revolution”’ of 1688. 


Tuis is perhaps the right moment to give some account of 
my relations with the two Princesses d’Orléans, and my 
opinion of their characters. When the storms of the Revo- 
lution drove my parents to Naples, I had often been brought 
into the company of the Queen’s daughters. I was nearer in 
age to Madame Amélie, and played most frequently with 
her.’ She showed me some preference over her other little 
playmates. ‘Those remarks apply to the years 1794 and 1795. 
When she returned to France twenty years later, the Duchesse 
d’Orléans had not forgotten this association of childhood, 
and permitted a special degree of intimacy to exist between 
us. This connection I had opportunities of pursuing while 
my father was Ambassador in London, during which period 
the d’Orléans family were living in a kind of exile near 
London. This fact will also explain how I often knew more 
of the family griefs and vexations, though I was not an inmate 
of the Palais Royal, than people whose intimacy might seem 
greater than mine. 

I cannot possibly overstate the deep veneration and tender 
devotion which I feel for the Duchesse d’Orléans. She was 
adored by her husband, by her children, and by all about her, 

See first volume of these Memoirs, p. 97. 

329 


330 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


and the more often any one came into contact with her, the 
deeper was the veneration and affection which she inspired. 
Her sympathetic tact in no way modified the loftiness of her 
sentiments or the strength of her character. The mother 
and the princess were wonderfully conjoined in her, and 
though she treated everybody with that obvious kindness 
which was natural to her, her attitude was marked by such 
delicate shades of consideration that each individual could 
learn his position in her society. 

At the time of which I am speaking, the Duchesse d’Orléans 
had persuaded herself that she had no head for business, 
although her opinions enjoyed deep respect in the family 
councils, where the most perfect harmony prevailed. She 
thought that Mademoiselle had much greater capacity for 
dealing with affairs, by reason of her strong sense of right and 
her strength of character. She was thus ready to be taken 
under her sister-in-law’s wing in any question of business or 
party politics. Possibly also this attitude was dictated by 
that delicate tact which directed her every action, even with- 
out her knowledge. , 

The court, especially under Louis XVIII., for Charles X. 
treated the d’Orléans with greater respect, attempted to mark 
the wide difference between the position of the Duchesse 
d’Orléans and that of her husband and of her sister. She 
would willingly have been given a higher position of her own 
if she had been willing to accept it. However, as all the 
vexations and outbreaks which troubled the existence of the 
happy family at the Palais Royal were due to the animosity of 
the reigning branch, the Duchesse d’Orléans thought that 


1 As she was the daughter of the King of Naples, great-granddaughter 
of Philippe V. of Anjou, and a niece on her mother’s side of Queen Marie 
Antoinette, the strict etiquette of the French court gave the Duchesse 
d’Orléans the right to a different rank from that which belonged to the 
Duc d’Orléans and to Mademoiselle d’Orléans. 


DUCHESSE D’ORLEANS 331 


she was doubly bound to make common cause with the 
members of her family and to adopt without reflection the 
decisions of Mademoiselle. Hence she grew accustomed to 
be guided by her, and never attempted to combat the influence 
which she was able to gain over her brother, the object of 
their common admiration. I do not think these scruples of 
the Duchesse d’Orléans were continued in the person of the 
Queen of France. 

There has never been any coolness between the two 
Princesses, but they have not always been unanimous upon 
important questions. The Queen sometimes expressed, de- 
fended, and supported her opinions warmly, and attempted 
to use her influence upon the King. Never was affection 
more passionate than that of the Duchesse d’Orléans for her 
husband. She was firmly persuaded that his every decision 
was 

‘“Wisest, discreetest, best.’ 

This consideration was a great comfort to her amid the 
troubled waters into which circumstances drove her. ‘These 
she entered with extreme reluctance, and prayed earnestly 
that the cup might be removed from her; but when once the 
decision had been taken she accepted it whole-heartedly. 
Much speculation entirely misguided has passed concerning 
her reluctance. Six weeks after the morning of which I have 
just spoken, she said to me: 

‘““Now that this crown of thorns is upon our head, we must 
wear it while life lasts, and we will lay down our lives for it 
if necessary.” : 

This calm energy did not prevent her from offering the 
most delicate and exquisite sympathy with the griefs of 
others, which she could realise and understand. Kindness 
was the source from which she invariably drew that lustre 
which adorned the most real virtues that a woman and a 
queen can possess. It may be thought that I am writing a 


332 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


panegyric; if I have done so, it has been unintentional. I 
am drawing her picture as I see it. 

My personal relations with Mademoiselle lasted from 1816 
to 1817. I have always recognised her goodness of heart 
and her intellectual power, though I never felt greatly at- 
tracted by her. However, her good qualities were entirely 
her own, and her defects were rather due to the circumstances 
in which she was placed. She was the frankest and most 
straightforward person conceivable, and these qualities made 
her many enemies. ‘The first confidences of her youth were 
received with malevolence, and she was correspondingly em- 
bittered. 3 

Her father’ was kindness itself to her. Brought up by 
Mme. de Genlis’ in the most revolutionary ideas, she had 
seen this unfortunate prince gradually advance upon his 
fatal path, and watched the sight undismayed. She was too 
young to judge of the facts for herself at that time, and she 
was never afterwards willing to recognise that it was a path 
of crime, and of inexcusable crime. Attempts were made to 
make her proclaim her repugnance. ‘Throughout her visit to 
the Princess of Conti® efforts were made to force her to take 


‘Louis Philippe Joseph, of gloomy notoriety as Philippe Egalité 
(1747-1794). 

* Stéphanie Félicité du Crest de St. Aubin, Comtesse de Genlis (1746- 
1830), married Charles Brulart de Genlis, Marquis de Sillery. She was 
lady of honour to the Duchesse de Chartres (1770), wife of Philippe 
Egalité, and was governess to the sons and daughters of that Prince 
(1782). She went intovexile in 1793, at the time when her husband was 
guillotined, and returned to France in 1801. She was the author of 
numerous works. 

* Fortunée Marie d’Este, daughter of Francois III., Duke of Modena 
(1698-1780), and of Charlotte d’Orléans, daughter of the Regent. In 
1759 she had married Louis Francois Joseph, the last Prince of Conti 
(1734-1814), son‘of Louis Francois (1717-1776), and of Louise Diane 
Elisabeth d’Orléans (1716-1736), the last daughter of the Regent. The 
Princess of Conti died at Trieste. (See first volume of these Memoirs, 
p- 381 and note.) 


MADEMOISELLE D’ORLEANS 333 


a step by which she should definitely renounce her father’s 
memory. Strong in her remembrances of his kindness, she 
regarded resistance as a virtue, and spent in consequence the 
years of her youth in the solitude of her room. 

The exiles who formed the society of the Princess of Conti 
declined to associate with her, and upon her side she would 
make no concessions. Her aunt, who was a clever woman, 
showed her some affection, and neither scolded nor worried 
her, but was not sufficiently courageous to take her side 
against the prevailing party spirit. 

At a later date, she hoped to find full sympathy from her 
mother, and reached Spain full of illusions on the subject of 
filial affection. She was coldly received, and found the 
Duchesse d’Orléans' in so equivocal a position that her stay 
at Barcelona soon became unendurable. She was obliged to 
write to her brothers that her position was unfitting for her. 
It is obvious that all the sentiments of youth which are usually 
the delight and happiness of girls were outraged. With these 
preliminary facts, it will be possible, I think, to understand 
both the good qualities and the defects of Mademoiselle. 

She was frank because she had never been accustomed to 
hide her impressions, careless as to whether they were 
opportune or likely to please other people. At the same 
time, she was never expansive, because she had been repulsed 
by every one who should have helped to develop her capacities 
for affection during her early youth. Hence, her heart 
had been wholly and exclusively given to her brother, the 
first person who had shown her the sweetness of true intimacy, 
and the only person in whom she could find full sympathy 
for the heavy burden which she was obliged to bear. Their 


1 Louise Marie Adélaide de Bourbon Penthiévre (1753-1821). In 
1769 she married the Duc d’Orléans, afterwards Philippe Egalité, and 
at that time the Duc de Chartres. Mme. de Boigne has referred to her 
upon several occasions in the preceding volumes. (First volume, 
chapter XXVI.° Second volume, chapters X. and XX.) 


334 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


father’s life and death will always form a stronger bond of 
union between them than perhaps. they have ever themselves 
admitted. ‘Though both of them were generally the easiest 
of companions, upon this point they’ were: irritable, even to 
the point of rancour. ‘They were never at their ease with the 
royal family, and least of all with the wife of the Dauphin, 
who on her side constantly treated them with marked disdain. 
Mademoiselle retained all her bitterness against the 
nobility and the exiles who spoiled, the happiness of her 
youth, and referred to them as: classes. Her goodness of 
heart pardoned them as individuals, but her general attitude 
was one of strong opposition to them, and might have been 
regarded as a kind of vengeance. ‘This frame of mind drove 
her to seek support among people who felt the same repug- 
nance. She was too inclined to: believe, in my opinion, 
that they would stop at the same point at which she had 
halted, desired to see the power in their‘ hands, and worked 
to secure it for them. Laffitte, Barrot, Dupont, and their 
like had in Mademoiselle a partisan at the outset. The 
tenacity of her character and her fixed determination not to 
abandon people who seemed to be accused by circumstances 
and her resolution always to presume their intentions as 
good, induced her to lend them a support which largely 
endangered her influence upon the King’s mind for some 
considerable period. She was aware of the fact and was 
grieved by it, but she did not change her conduct; such was 
her nature. | 
She has been accused of parsimony with both truth and 
falsehood. Until the death of her mother, Mademoiselle had 
no means, and was living at her brother’s expense, so that 
economy at that time was a virtue. After she had come 
into the enjoyment of a considerable revenue, she spent it 
generously, became the patroness of artists and employed 
much labour upon her estates. Her private charities were 


Bros ote: at 

Clubs are ‘trumps and Z is in the lead. 

Y and Z want seven tricks against any jj 
defence, 


lan operative severely. | r accident 
put me to thinking, to wondering if there 
wasn’t some way it might have been 
prevented. It wasn’t long before I had 
worked out a simple contrivance, a sort 
of stop motion that made it impossible. 
hat contrivance, though useful, brought 
e no money, but it was of use to me 
ince it caused me to study machinery. 
“Many of my inventions have been 
In use for more than fifty years. Many 
bf them were improvements of one sort 
bnd another on machinery for the manu- 
facture of cotton, rubber and shoes. 
way back in 1871 I invented a machine 
or making and folding square bottomed 
baper bags. That was a great success 
hnd is still in use. Altogether I have 


aie ed eighty-seven patents and now 


MADEMOISELLE D’ORLEANS 335 


enormous, but she was not accustomed to magnificence, and 
could not spend in a royal manner, even when such expendi- 
ture was advisable. Her accounts were kept too precisely for 
a princess. At the outset, however, of the new reign, when 
the question of the Civil List was under discussion, Baron 
Louis came to her and asked if she would be satisfied if she 
were put down. for a million. Sheobjected as if he had 
offered her an insult, and protested that her personal income 
was enough and more than enough for her needs. 

Mademoiselle displayed an affection for her nephews which 
I had thought absolutely motherly until the death of the Duc 
de Penthiévre,* who was seven years of age and almost an 
idiot. ‘The Duchesse d’Orléans was overwhelmed by grief at 
this loss. Mademoiselle never pretended any feelings of 
the kind. She was pained by her sister-in-law’s sorrow, but 
insisted upon asserting that the death of the child was a 
merciful release. ‘This was the only shade of difference that 
I observed in the: affection of the two sisters for the children. 
Possibly Mademoiselle was the more inclined to indulgence 
of the two, although she laboured as much as any one to give 
the children the excellent education which they received. 

I doubt if any one had a better head for business than 
Mademoiselle. She could discover instantly the critical point 
of a difficulty, and sweep away all side issues; she refused to 
be led astray, and pinned the interlocutor down to the single 
point at stake. It will readily be understood that this 
power could not have increased her popularity at a time 
when almost every one was anxious not to speak definitely or 
to pledge his word. ‘This power would have been inestima- 
ble if Mademoiselle had been at the head of affairs, but in 
her position it was an actual disadvantage. Her position 
should have been wholly secondary, but she was unable to 


* Charles Ferdinand Louis Philippe Emmanuel d’Orléans, Duc de 
Penthiévre, born at Paris January 1, 1820. 


336 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


appear except in the foreground. Hence she made many 
personal enemies, and her unpopularity was reflected to some 
degree upon her brother, whose interpreter she was supposed | 
tobe. She was aware of the fact, and her desire not to injure 
this brother, whom she deeply loved, embarrassed both her 
speech and her actions. Hence, though her frankness reached 
the point of rudeness, she gained a reputation for duplicity, 
and although her kindness was more than ordinary, she was 
considered as resentful. 

During the trial of the ministers of Charles X., I remember 
that, one evening when great anxiety prevailed, Marshal 
Gérard, with his usual cowardice,’ was explaining how 
dangerous it would be for the King to attempt to save M. de 
Polignac. Mademoiselle then replied in a tone which I shall 
never forget: | 

“Well, Marshal, if necessary, we will all perish in the 
attempt.” 7 

Her usually commonplace features were transfigured for 
the moment. 

I owe it to her to say that she could listen to the truth, 
even when it displeased her, not only with patience but with 
some show of gratitude. On many occasions I did not spare 
her feelings, and although we may not have been precisely 
attracted to one another, she never made any difference in her 
treatment of me. 

I return to the events of July 31st. Mademoiselle commis- 
sioned me to bring back Mme. de Valence’ and her little girls. 


* Cowardice only in civil matters, for no one has disputed his military 
courage. It was he who decided and secured the abandonment of the 
fleurs-de-lys, asserting that the National Guard was marching for the 
purpose of destroying them. I was present upon the occasion. This 
was entirely false, for the National Guard, as a whole, was indignant 
that their overthrow by a few wretches should have been permitted. 
(Note by Mme. de Boigne.) 

* The Vicomtesse de Valence, daughter of Mme. de Genlis. 


ALTITUDE, OF-POZZ0 337 


The four of us, with M. Arago, entered a carriage which 
was in waiting. I had secured the special protection of the 
Princesses for the Duc de Raguse in case he should stand in 
need of it, and Arago had given Mme. Montyjoie full details 
of his visit to the general staff; he had been with her 
during my visits to the two sisters-in-law. 

When I reached the barriers I left my friends and went 
immediately to Pozzo. There were visitors in his reception 
room, and I inquired for him. He came to meet me from the 
anteroom. I said to him: 

“T have just come from Neuilly, and am ordered to thank you 
for your good wishes, for which every one is most grateful.” 

I found him a very different man from the previous evening; 
he was embarrassed, cold, and surly. He replied: 

“Certainly they are right; you know how deeply I am 
attached to them, but the position is very delicate. ‘The King 
is at Rambouillet; he is established there. My colleagues 
think that it would be advisable to rejoin the sovereign to 
whom we are accredited. ‘There is a great deal in that, 
though we have not been summoned. However, I do not 
know what to do, and Iam not sure what advice to give them.” 

I did not betray excessive astonishment at the sudden 
change of front, which I had foreseen, though I will admit 
that I had expected a more elaborate mode of excuse. 

“T am sure that you will do what will be most prudent and 
expedient. By the way, I meant to tell you that Sébastiani will 
not enter the Ministry. Iam certainly informed of the fact.” 

He looked at me fixedly for a moment. 

“T am theirs to the death!” he cried, and taking me by 
both hands, he drew me into the middle of the drawing-room 
on the left. “Let us sit down. I suppose they wish to reign, 
do they not?” 

“They say they do not.” 

“Then they are wrong. That is the only reasonable and 


338 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


only possible course. At bottom they do wish it, and if they 
do not wish it to-day, they will to-morrow, because it is a 
necessity. So we must act upon that supposition.” 

I will admit that though I had expected a change, this 
sudden reversal bewildered me. I was so struck by it that I 
am certain that I have reported his first words precisely as he 
spoke them. He then began to discuss ways and means for 
rejecting the foolish proposal of going to Rambouillet, which 
some of his colleagues had conceived. He no longer con- 
sidered the question as delicate or embarrassing, and had 
resumed his arguments of the previous evening against the 
older branch and in favour of the d’Orléans family. It was 
impossible to be clearer or more logical. After many general 
considerations, he gave me detailed instructions concerning 
the best attitude to adopt towards the diplomatic body. I 
asked him if he would allow me to state that this advice came 
from him. Not only did he give me permission, but begged 
me to do so, and also to express his entire devotion to the 
family. He repeated several times: 

“Tt is their duty to reign, and loudly to proclaim their 
desire to do so.” 

We separated upon the best terms possible. He was ex- 
pecting his colleagues to decide upon their future course of 
action, the question being whether they were to stay at Paris 
or go to Rambouillet. Doubtless they were to find a great 
difference between this conference and the conversation of the 
morning. If the general carelessness which marked the 
actions of the court had not also: neglected to warn the 
diplomatic body at the time of the departure from Saint 
Cloud, it is probable, considering the frame of mind in which 
I found Pozzo, that.the propositions of those who wished to 
rejoin the King would have prevailed, and that their depart- 
ure would have been settled before my return from Neuilly. 
But since the Monday when M. de Polignac had declared his 


MADAME RECAMIER’S NOTE 339 


complete confidence that France was ready to submit to all 
the wishes of the King, he had not taken the trouble to open 
any communication whatever with any of the ministers, not 
even with those nearest to his confidence, such as MM. de 
Apponyi and de Sales,’ who entirely approved of the ordi- 
nances. 

In any case, these latter were somewhat ashamed of their 
mistake, and these feelings induced them the more easily to 
renounce the project of departure which they had formed in 
concert with the Nuncio. Castelcicala was hesitating, Sir 
Charles Stuart was opposed, and Pozzo settled the question by 
persuading von Werther. But the most conclusive argument 
to their diplomatic minds was the fact that they had not 
been summoned by Charles X. Dexterity merely consists in 
speaking to every one in the proper language. 

At soon as I reached home, I wrote a letter explaining the 
results of my conversation with the Russian Ambassador, and 
sent it immediately to Neuilly. During my absence several 
people had called, including Mme. Récamier. She had 
waited for me a long time, and had finally left upon my table 
a little note in which she expressed her great regret at, not 
finding me at home, and her keen anxiety to talk with me of 
a person whose deep irritation she was sorry to see. I readily 
understood that M. de Chateaubriand was the person in 
question. We had spoken of him that morning during my 
conversation with Mademoiselle, and we had agreed that it 
was desirable to secure his support in the interests of the 
country. I knew too much of him to consider him a very 
valuable ally, but I knew that he might be a formidable 
adversary. M. de Chateaubriand was a man who could only 
be secured by placing ourselves entirely under his wing; at 
the same time, he would speedily grow weary of following the 
plain and easy road. He called that process driving in a rut, 


1M. de Sales, Sardinian Minister at Paris. 


340 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


and was anxious to create obstacles merely for the amusement 
of surmounting them. | 

I was much too tired to think of going to Mme. Récamier, 
as I should have been obliged to walk. I was obliged to put 
off the question of her note until the next day; in any case, 
it was more than six o’clock. 

I saw a number of people in the evening, and heard a 
number of contradictory stories of events at the Hétel de 
Ville and in the Chamber, which I barely remember. I can 
only recollect that Alexandre de Laborde arrived in transports 
of joy, which disgusted and annoyed us. The general 
impression of my circle was one of sadness and gravity: we 
regarded what had happened as an inevitable result of early 
mistakes. This result, however, seemed to us a lamentable 
disaster, while we considered it our duty to prevent it from 
becoming a greater calamity by throwing the country into 
anarchy. I must do M. Pasquier the justice to say that he 
was gloomier and more apprehensive than any one else. With 
the same frankness I will admit that his fears seemed to me 
somewhat exaggerated. With my recollections of the 
‘glorious revolution” of 1688,' the path before us seemed to 
me to be easier than it really was.? 

1 See first volume of these Memoirs, p. 109. 

? The usurpation of 1688 in England, which marked the triumph of 
Protestantism over the Catholic King and the Romish Church, was a 
fatal example for France, and is at bottom the origin of the Revolutions 
of 1789 and 1830. After non-essential details are removed, the move- 
ment appears directed to the same object, though with different projects 
and methods. Probably no revolution would have taken place if there 
had not been ready to hand as a gathering point for discontent and du- 
plicity a prince of vast wealth and ambition to play the part of William 
of Orange. William III. by his overthrow of the Stuarts neither evoked 
revolutionary passion nor destroyed national institutions. He continued 
the royal dynasty as a royal King, and as he had conquered by his own 


strength, he was not obliged to provoke the undesirable demands of the 
mob or to bear their exactions. 


CHAPTER XXVIII 


Mademoiselle desires a conversation with Pozzo—The meeting arranged 
at my house—I inform M. Pasquier—Appearance of the streets on 
Sunday, August 1—Visit to the Palais Royal—The Duchesse d’Or- 
léans—Appearance of the palace—News of the Dauphine—Return 
of the Duc d’Orléans—I guide Mademoiselle to my house—Inter- 
views with General Pozzo and M: Pasquier—The pen of honour—I 
go to see Mme. Récamier—She takes me to M. Chateaubriand— 
His fits of rage—The Duc de Bordeaux—The “‘Glorieuses.” 


On Sunday, August 1, Mme. de Montjoie came into my 
room at seven o’clock in the morning. She told me that 
Mademoiselle was anxious for a conversation with Pozzo. If 
he were willing to go to the Palais Royal he might enter by 
a door situated at a considerable distance from the palace. 
If, however, he offered objections, Mademoiselle was ready 
to come and meet him at my house. Assuming that he 
approved the former arrangement, he would go out with me 
as though he were accompanying me for a walk to the 
Tuileries. We were to enter the Rue Saint Honoré. Mme. 
de Montjoie would be waiting for us in a shop near the door 
at which we were to enter, and would guide us through the 
intricacies of the interior. Whatever Pozzo’s decision might 
be, I promised that I myself would be at the meeting place. 
I immediately wrote a note to the Ambassador, asking him 
to come to me at once. I gave him an account of Mme. de 
Montjoie’s visit. He replied that he would be delighted to 
see Mademoiselle and to have a talk with her, and was most 
anxious for the meeting, but he added: 

“Considering the state of affairs in the Palais Royal, the 

341 


342 ‘COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


disorder of the rooms and the number of people going about, 
it is certain that some one would meet me and recognise me. 
The air of mystery given to this conference would lend it 
additional importance in the eyes of the public. I am es- 
pecially afraid of such supposed indiscretions, as they might 
neutralise my efforts and destroy my influence. I can only 
retain my influence upon the diplomatic body as long as I 
preserve a show of impartiality upon the question and make 
common cause with my colleagues.” 

He therefore accepted Mademoiselle’s second proposal, 
begged me to make his full excuses and to request that she 
would agree to a meeting at my house. We arranged a 
casual form of words which might be sent as a message to 
inform him that the Princess would come. 

I also sent to ask M. Pasquier to come and see me, told 
him what was in progress, and asked him if he would be in- 
clined for a conversation with Mademoiselle, supposing that 
she desired a meeting. He replied that he had no objection 
whatever, and would be very glad of so natural an oppor- 
tunity for explaining some of his ideas and for transmitting 
them thus directly to the Duc d’Orléans. 

When these preliminaries had been settled, I tered at 
the appointed time, and as Ihave been writing an account of 
the streets, it is perhaps worth while to say a word of their 
appearance at that moment. There were a great many 
people going about. A large number of patrols were to be 
met, though they were dressed only in trousers and shirt as 
on the preceding days, and were almost all led by some one in 
uniform. Orderlies on horseback were carrying orders in 
great haste. Everywhere were women and children, well 
dressed and wandering as they pleased, or with prayer-book 
in hand going to the churches, where divine service was cele- 
brated and the doors were open as usual. ‘Though everybody 
seemed busy, curious, and hurried, all were calm and confi- 


VISIT TO THE PALAIS ROYAL 343 


dent. Indeed, except for the trenches across the streets and 
the strange costume of the troops, one might have supposed 
that it was an ordinary fine Sunday morning, upon which the 
population of the town were preparing to view some unusual 
spectacle which increased rapidity of movement without 
adding undue agitation. The town seemed as though a 
festivity were in progress, for the benefit of which the carriage 
traffic had been stopped. 

I found Mme. de Montjoie at the meeting place, and after 
a long journey through the palace, which led us under the 
eaves, we reached Mademoiselle’s rooms. She was in her 
little gallery: her study, which I crossed to reach her, was 
still strewn with glass broken from the windows during the 
preceding days. ‘The marks of bullets were also to be seen 
in the woodwork. Hardly had I arrived and given Pozzo’s 
message, than the Duchesse d’Orléans came in in great agita- 
tion. 

“Sister, there is a man here, a footman from the Duchesse 
de Berry, whose name I have forgotten, who is waiting to 
take any message from me to the Duchesse de Berry. What 
amItosay? I cannot refuse to see him.” 

“Give him some ordinary message of politeness; there is 
no need to go into details in the case of such a messenger, 
but do not write.” 

The Duchesse d’Orléans went out, and Mademoiselle ran 
after her to the next room, “Above all things, sister, do not 
write.” 

“No, I will not, I promise you.” 

Mademoiselle came back to me with a smile. 

“My poor sister is so upset,” she said, “that she cannot 
weigh her words, and it will not do to pledge ourselves in any 
direction.” 

We resumed the thread of our conversation, and Made- 
moiselle agreed that it would be better for her to come to my 


344 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


house. She was ready to come that day under my sole escort, 
but I should be obliged to wait for a time. Her brother was 
out, and she could not start until he returned. 

The Duchesse d’Orléans came back a second time. 

“Sister, Sébastiani is here, and he is furious.” 

“Never mind; I will have him brought here. Whether he 
is furious or not, he will have to give way this time. I will 
undertake to talk to him.” 

She rang the bell to give orders that General. Sébastiani 
should be shown into her room. [I left it with the Duchesse 
d’Orléans. I cannot describe the confusion which then pre- 
vailed throughout the Palais Royal. During the absence of 
the family at Neuilly, considerable repairs had been begun in 
several rooms. ‘The floors had been taken up, and we walked 
upon the joists amid the plaster. In other rooms painters 
were at work with their implements. The furniture was 
out of place, and we were constantly running into uphol- 
sterers carrying ladders and footmen bringing chairs. 
Throughout this confusion people of all kinds were going 
about. Meals were in progress in every room, and everybody 
walked in as though the palace was a street. The palace 
guards wore the costume which I have already described, and 
formed a strange constrast with the locality as well as with 
its inhabitants. Conversation was impossible amid such an 
uproar. ‘The Duchesse d’Orléans was only able to tell me as 
we withdrew through Mademoiselle’s rooms that she was 
easier in her mind concerning the Dauphine. 

The latter had met the Duc de Chartres near Fontainebleau 
during the previous night. And as no other news of her had 
arrived, it was obvious that she had come to no harm, and 
must have rejoined her family. This was a great weight 
removed from the mind of the Duchesse d’Orléans. She 
was deeply attached to the Dauphine, and throughout the 
sad events which followed the misfortunes and the feelings 


NEWS OF THE DAUPHINE 345 


of this princess always caused the Queen anxiety and despair, 
as I have seen for myself. Later in the morning I was 
shown an intercepted letter from the Dauphine to her hus- 
band. J remember one phrase which struck me greatly. 
After a bitterly indignant account of the scene at the theatre 
in Dijon as she was coming out, and of the insolent cries 
which were uttered, she added, ‘They would have liked to 
insult me personally, but I assumed my well-known air, and 
they did not venture.” 

She was thus continuing that well-known air which we 
regarded as a kind of misfortune. I do not, indeed, recall 
these words with any sense of hostility towards the Princess, 
whom I respect, and whose misfortunes were in themselves a 
dignity, to use the expression of M. de Chateaubriand; I 
give them merely as a further proof of the ignorance con- 
cerning the age and the country under which the elder 
branch was labouring. This air, which she considered to 
command respect, merely produced bitterness and ill-feeling. 
She did not discuss the ordinances in this letter; it seemed 
as if she had already spoken of them: 

“T shall not return to what I told you yesterday. What 
has been done is done, but I shall not breathe freely until we 
are united.” 

I return to the events at the Palais Royal. We were 
supposed to spend our time in the room known as the Salon 
des Batailles, where a kind of repas en ambigu’* had been laid. 
As a matter of fact, we were continually in a room which 
communicated with all the apartments, and off which a large 
balcony looked upon the court. Every cry, every sound of 


1A meal which is neither lunch nor dinner, but shares the nature of 
both, in respect of the time at which it takes place and also of the nature 
of the dishes. It is a mixture of both meals, hot and cold dishes, to 
gether with dessert, being served at the same time.—Dzéctionnaire 
Larousse Illustre, Vol. I., p. 236. 


346 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


the drum, every noise, and noises were frequent, summoned 
us thither. ‘The Duchesse d’Orléans was obviously attempt- 
ing to overcome her mental agitation by physical exercise, 
for she could not sit still. After following her about for 
some time, I abandoned the effort, being completely ex- 
hausted, and sat down in a corner, where Mme. de Dolomieu, 
who was as tired as myself, came to keep me company. 
There we sat until. the cheers in the square announced the 
approach of the Duc d’Orléans. Mademoiselle joined us at 
that signal, followed by General Sébastiani. He wore a very 
surly air, and as he passed gave me a glance from which I 
understood that he recognised me as the intermediary in a 
negotiation which was so entirely against his wishes. 

Every one went out upon the great balcony to see the ar- 
rival of the Duc d’Orléans. He and his horse were literally 
borne along by the waves of people. I am well aware 
that such enthusiasm promises nothing for the next day, 
but, without attaching undue importance to it, it must be 
said that there was the utmost enthusiasm for him in that 
place and at that time. His poor wife was greatly touched, 
and it was a pleasant compensation to her for her previous 
anxieties. 

At length the Duc d’Orléans emerged from the crowd, 
entered the palace, where the crowd was little more select, 
and reached the room in which we were. He stopped for a 
moment, embraced his youngest children, who had come from 
Neuilly after he had gone out, spoke to General Sébastiani, 
took my hand and said a few kind words, and went back into 
his private room, followed by his wife and sister. The latter 
did not stay there long. When she came out she took my 
arm and said: 

“Come; I am ready to go.” 

We went back to her rooms, and the problem of dress began. 
She had a straw hat but no veil, and a veil was a necessity 


I GUIDE MADEMOISELLE 347 


for our expedition. My own was of deep black, as I was in 
mourning, and would not do for her. She rang for the only 
maid whom she had brought from Neuilly, but the maid had 
no key to the cupboards. At length she remembered a hat 
which had been left at Paris and trimmed with a large white 
veil, which was brought. She was afraid that it might be too 
conspicuous. I assured her that the streets were full of hats 
equally splendid, and soon she was as much surprised by the 
fact as I had been myself during the preceding days. 

We went down the little turret staircase and left the 
palace; no one had recognised her. ‘This was not a difficult 
manceuvre in the midst of the prevailing confusion. When 
we reached the Rue de Chartres, she said to me in English, 
“We are followed.” We were followed, as a matter of fact, 
but by my butler. I had brought him because I could rely 
on him as the most discreet of all my servants. I reassured 
her accordingly. 

“Then,” she said, ‘‘let us each take his arm; that will look 
better than the sight of two women alone at this time.” 

We adopted her suggestion, and Jules Goulay was honoured 
with the arm of a princess. We arranged that if we should 
meet any of my acquaintances who might wish to speak to 
me, I was to stop while she went forward. 

I told her of the note which I had received concerning M. 
de Chateaubriand: she repeated that his support was con- 
sidered highly desirable, though it was not proposed to give 
him a place in the Cabinet. If the ambassadorship at Rome 
would suit him, he might be allowed to resume it. The 
- evening before M. de Glandevés had begged me to»say a word 
at the Palais Royal concerning himself and his devotion. I 
had performed this commission in the morning, and appar- 
ently Mademoiselle had spoken of the matter to her brother 
during her short conversation, for I was formally requested 
to tell M. de Glandevées to return to his rooms at the Tuileries, 


348 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


where his position would be regularised. I delivered the 
message, and he refused the offer with many kind and re- 
spectful words. All this shows how much people would have 
desired at this first moment to continue monarchical customs, 
and how necessity, operating through the energy of some and 
the reticence of others, obliged them to follow other paths. 
I use the words reticence, because there was no hostility as 
yet. ‘The party which has since been called Carlist or Legit- 
imist did not exist at that time. As we were talking in Eng- 
lish, the man between us was no embarrassment. I asked 
Mademoiselle whether she would care to see M. Pasquier, in 
which case I would send a message to him while she was talk- 
ing with the Ambassador. She told me that she would be 
delighted. We had entered the garden of the Tuileries, but 
were obliged to turn back, as the gates leading to the Place 
Louis XV. were still closed. We followed the Rue de Rivoli. 
As we approached the Rue St. Florentin, Mademoiselle 
made me walk by her side so as to conceal her as much as 
possible. 

“T do not want that old lame man’ to notice me,” she 
said; ‘he is so cunning, and might easily recognise me from 
his window. I should not care for him to see me passing, 
while the necessity of speaking to him would be even more 
unpleasant.” 

We reached the Rue des Champs Elysées without meeting 
any one. Istopped in order to give the agreed message to the 
Ambassador’s porter. Mademoiselle went forward and I 
caught her up as she was entering my house; hardly had I 
shown her into my room when Pozzo arrived. He told me 
that some one would come and ask for him to sign a paper. I 
brought him to the Princess and left them altogether; I then 

1 Prince de Talleyrand. He lived in the residence which forms the 


corner of the Rue de Rivoli and the Rue St. Florentin, opposite the Naval 
Ministry. ‘The house is now the property of Baron de Rothschild. 


THE PEN OF HONOUR 349 


wrote a note to M. Pasquier to tell him that he was expected. 
M. de Lobinski soon arrived with the despatch to be signed, 
and I went to fetch Pozzo. When he apologised to Made- 
moiselle for leaving her, he said: 

“Tt is in your service; I am going to sign the despatch of 
which I was telling you, in order not to delay the departure 
of the courier.” 

He then signed two long letters, and returned to the room 
where Mademoiselle was waiting. I was left alone with 
Lobinski. He had brought a little pocket writing case, and 
I made some joke upon this precaution. He gave me the pen. 

“Keep it,” he said, “as a pen of honour. You have well 
deserved it. You do not know yourself the whole extent of 
the service that you have performed, not merely to your 
own country but to the whole of Europe, which will owe the 
maintenance of peace to you. You have every reason, 
Madame, to be well pleased with yourself.” 

I accepted this solemn address with a smile, and took the 
pen. 

“T am speaking very seriously,” he replied. ‘‘ You do not 
know what it is that you have prevented. Rejoice at your 
success as a Frenchwoman, while I thank you for it as a 
Russian.” 

The words of Lobinski induced me to think that these 
despatches, so entirely in our favour, were being substituted 
for others of a very different character. This, too, was the 
opinion of M. Pasquier, to whom I forthwith related the 
incident. Yet it is possible that they merely alluded to the 
proposals of the diplomatic body for going to Rambouillet, 
the rejection of which Pozzo had secured. I.never learnt 
any more of the matter. My degree of intimacy with the 
Ambassador did not permit me to cross-examine Lobinski. 

M. Pasquier arrived, and we awaited the conclusion of the 
conference with Pozzo, which was very long. As soon as I 


350 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


saw him come out I took M. Pasquier into the room and with- 
drew. As will be seen, I was throughout this affair nothing 
more than the fly on the coach-wheel. I had observed 
during my morning walk that cabs were beginning to go about, 
though with difficulty. I had sent to fetch one, and when M. 
Pasquier had left Mademoiselle, I suggested that she should 
take it rather than return on foot; she agreed, and we got in. 
She told me that she was pleased with M. Pasquier. “It is 
clear,” she added, ‘‘that he is a man accustomed to face a 
question from every point of view, and a great means of 
overcoming obstacles is to have foreseen them. It is also 
clear that he is by no means anxious to implicate himself; 
obviously he has been involved in many revolutions, and is 
afraid of them. 

“But I am perfectly delighted with our good Pozzo. He 
is perfect, dear Mme. de Boigne, and entirely one of us. He 
has told me of that despatch which he had signed, and we 
could not have composed it.differently ourselves. JI am very 
anxious for him to have a meeting with my brother, and shall 
try and arrange it for to-morrow night. In any case, the 
most important point is already settled: he has induced the 
diplomatic body to stay in Paris, and has sent off those excel- 
lent despatches.” 

We discussed this subject and many others during our 
journey, which was disturbed by no inconvenience except a 
constant and fearful jolting. I stopped the cab in the Rue 
de Valois, and accompanied Mademoiselle to the staircase of 
the turret. As soon as I had seen the door of her rooms 
close upon her, I went down to the cab and returned home. 
After a pretence of dining, for the excessive heat, my fatigue, 
and anxiety made it almost as difficult to eat as to sleep, I 
took another cab and went to see Mme. Récamier. She was 
awaiting me impatiently to speak of M. de Chateaubriand. 

I soon learnt that he was angry with Charles X., who had 


MONSIEUR DE CHATEAUBRIAND 351 


not answered his letter, disgusted with the peers, who had 
not chosen him to lead the Chamber, and furious with the 
Lieutenant-General, who had not entrusted him with the 
power that events proclaimed to be his due. Moreover, he 
was reputed to be ill. This was his usual resource when his 
ambition received any great check, and it is possible that his 
disappointment was sufficiently strong to have had an effect 
upon his health. Mme. Récamier urged me to visit him in 
her company and to try to soothe him. I consented, and we 
entered the carriage which had brought me, and reached his 
little house in the Rue d’Enfer. 

Mme. Récamier was known to the servants, and we were 
shown up to his study without difficulty. We knocked at 
his door, and he told us to come in. We found him in a 
dressing-gown and slippers, with a bandanna handkerchief on 
his head, writing at a corner of the table. It was a long 
table, entirely disproportionate to the room, which was shaped 
like a gallery; it took up most of the space, and gave the 
room a slight public-house appearance. It was covered with 
books and papers, remnants of food, and toilet utensils by no 
means elegant. M. de Chateaubriand received us very kindly. 
It was obvious, however, that he was ill at ease by reason of 
this confusion, and even more because of the bandanna hand- 
kerchief. So far he was justified, for the red-and-green hand- 
kerchief by no means became his gloomy face. 

We found him extremely bitter. Mme. Récamier induced 
him to read me the speech which he was preparing for the 
Chamber. It was violent to the last degree, and among 
other points I can remember a passage, which was afterwards 
inserted into one of his pamphlets, in which he depicted the 
Duc d’Orléans advancing towards the throne with two heads 
in his hands; the rest of the speech was in consonance with 
this phrase. We listened to his reading in the profoundest 
silence, and when he had finished I asked him if this work, 


352 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


the literary excellence of which I admitted, was the work of 
a good citizen in his opinion. 

“T do not claim to be a good citizen.” 

I asked whether he thought that this work was the best 
means of bringing the King back to the Tuileries. 

“Heaven forfend! I should be very sorry to see him 
there.y 

“In that case, would it not be more prudent to join the 
powers in possession, in view of the fact that they might be 
able to prevent the anarchical calamities which are not 
unreasonably to be expected and which you depict in such 
fearful colours?” 

Mme. Récamier took this opening to say that I had been 
at the Palais Royal that morning. She ventured to add 
that great value was set upon his support and co-operation. 
It would be understood that he might object to take any 
active part in the Government, but it was thought that he 
might perhaps consent to return to Rome. 

He rose from his chair, saying, ‘‘ Never!” and began to 
walk about at the other end of the little gallery. Mme. 
Récamier continued to talk with me quietly of the advantages 
of his position at Rome, of the service which he might do to 
religion, of the natural and valuable part which the author 
of the Genie du Christianisme might play in such a pre- 
dicament, etc. He pretended not to listen to us. How- 
ever, his temper grew milder and his steps slower; suddenly 
he stopped in front of a shelf full of books, and folding his 
arms, he cried: 

‘And what shall I say to those thirty volumes which are 
looking me in the face? No, no! ‘They condemn me to 
throw in my fortunes with the lot of those wretches. Who 
knows them, who despises them, and who hates them more 
than I?”? Then he unfolded his arms and placed his hands 
upon the end of the long table which separated us, and began 


MONSIEUR DE CHATEAUBRIAND 353 


a diatribe against the princes and the court. He expressed 
himself in that bitter scorn which his hatred could produce, 
and with such violence that I was almost terrified. It was 
growing dark, and the attitude of this figure with the red- 
and-green handkerchief, standing before the only light that 
came into the room, seemed almost diabolical. 

After this explosion he grew somewhat calmer, came 
towards us, and said in a more equable tone: 

“What Frenchman has not felt enthusiastic for the ad- 
mirable days which have just passed? And undoubtedly 
the man who has done so much to bring them about cannot 
have remained unmoved.” 

He then drew a picture in the most vivid colours of the 
national resistance, and the brilliance of his own picture in 
this story softened him under the influence of his own words. 

“T recognise,” he said in conclusion, “that it was impossible 
to reach the only possible result with greater nobility. I 
admit the fact, but I myself, a wretched serf bound to the 
soil, cannot free myself from this dogma of legitimacy, which I 
have so often belauded. People will always have the right 
to throw my words in my teeth. Moreover, all the efforts of 
this heroic nation will be lost; no one understands it, and 
the country, so young and beautiful, people wish to entrust it 
to the guidance of worn-out men, who will only work to sap 
its manhood, or it will be handed over to those little gentle- 
men”’—this was his special name for M. de Broglie and M. 
Guizot, the objects of his special detestation—‘“‘and they 
will try to cut it to the model of their master.” 

“No, what France requires is new men, men of courage 
and bravery, bold and adventurous like herself, who will re- 
store her with one stroke to the head of the nations! See how 
instinctively she feels the want! Whom did she choose to 
lead her when left to herself? Schoolboys and children, but 
they were children full of talent, dash, and hardihood, able 


354 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


to inflame imagination because they are themselves enthusi- 
astic. At most some old sailor will be required to give warning 
of reefs and shallows, and thus not to stop progress, but to 
stimulate audacity.” 

M. de Chateaubriand’s ideas of government were thus 
sufficiently explained by these words. He was to be the 
directing power, with the schoolboys and newspaper editors 
as his acolytes; such was the ideal he had formed for himself 
of the happiness and glory of France in his discontented - 
dreams. However, it was necessary to make an end and to 
take leave of these rhapsodies. I asked him if he had any 
answer for the Palais Royal, whither I should be going the 
next morning. 

He replied in the negative. His place was fixed by antece- | 
dent circumstances; he had seen this crisis long ago, and 
had printed his profession of faith beforehand. Personally 
he had a high respect for the d’Orléans family. He appre- 
ciated all the difficulties of its position, which unfortunately 
it would not be able to secure because it did not understand 
the state of affairs and would not regard them from a suff- 
ciently revolutionary standpoint. 

T left him evidently much calmer. In fact, there was a wide 
difference between the speech which he had read to me, with 
the ‘two heads in his hands,” and that which he delivered 
in the Chamber, and in which “he would offer a crown to 
the Duc d’Orléans if he had one to give.” But I rediscovered 
in it some of the bitter sarcasms for the conquered which had 
formed part of his extempore speech at the end of the table, 
the eloquence of which had charmed him and soothed his 
feelings. Among others, the expression “to drive out with 
a pitchfork.” 

Throughout this long conversation, which lasted until 
nightfall, I can affirm that not a word was said concerning 
the Duc de Bordeaux. I did not hear this subject mentione.‘ 


DUC DE BORDEAUX 355 


until I returned home in the evening. I am aware that at 
present every one has constantly thought of it, has always 
desired and wished it, but I can assert that these desires were 
secret. The idea of the King’s abdication, and above all of 
that of the Dauphin, had not yet become general, and for my- 
self I must admit it had never occurred to me independently; 
moreover, it seemed to me very improbable of realisation. 

Yet I am certain that attempts to produce this result were 
made during this Sunday; they had been begun during the 
previous evening, and were continued throughout the next 
day. They met with much sterner resistance at Trianon 
and at Rambouillet than at the Palais Royal. I think I may 
positively assert that the Lieutenant-General, while rejecting 
responsibility for the initial request, was ready to receive the 
royal child alone. His wife would have received the child 
with delight and promised him a mother’s care, but the reply 
from Rambouillet was harsh to the point of insult. In any 
case, this transaction did not come within my personal knowl- 
edge of the moment, and therefore does not belong to what 
I have seen and heard, and I do not propose to relate anything 
else. 

I should write a stout volume if I were to relate every- 
thing that I have since learnt concerning the details of this 
event, even if I confined myself to points upon which I am 
certain. Here, however, my task ends. I often served to 
carry messages to the Palais Royal, but from distances, upon 
special occasions and when specially commissioned. ‘Though 
these details might be curious, they would hardly form a 
story of any continuous interest. In any case, if I were to 
continue I should be obliged to speak of the Tuesday and of 
the dreadful march upon Rambouillet, and I do not wish to 
conclude with so painful an impression. ‘That event has no 
connection with the noble week that had just elapsed. 

At that time France rose as one man, became a giant by 


356 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


the unanimity of her resolve, and threw off the pigmies who 
attempted to enslave her. Content with this result, her only 
object, she would have returned to the calm of her proud 
rest if a handful of ambitious men and a few hundred wretches 
had not continued an artificial agitation which destroyed 
in the eyes of contemporaries the magnificence of the spectacle 
presented to our view. Posterity will, I believe, do more 
than justice to it, and I am greatly deceived if these days, 
now known derisively as the “ Glorieuses,”’ do not preserve 
their fame for centuries. 


APPENDIX 
I 


Letter’ from ADRIEN DE MoNTMoRENCY, Duc DE LAVAL, to 
MMe. LA COMTESSE DE BOIGNE. 


Monsures, September 5, i 

My old friendship has been greatly touched by the singularly 
kind and sympathetic expressions which I have read in your 
letter of the 2nd. You show much interest and pity for my new 
miseries. ‘The excess of grief which has placed the crown upon 
my wretchedness has stirred in me the recollections of our past 
friendship, and I am very far from receiving your gentle re- 
proaches in an unfriendly spirit. 

Why then have I been wounded? ‘To put the matter plainly, 
the reason is that for some years our old and intimate friendship 
was drawn yet closer by unlimited confidence on my part. I 
used to love you as a chosen sister; I used to think of you, my 
dear Adéle, as a friend endowed with reason, insight, and devo- 
tion, apart from your infinite charm in ordinary intercourse. At 
that time sympathy prevailed between us in all circumstances, 
and we were friends in all the perfection of the term. Even as - 
our parents had given us an example of this unchangeable union, 
so I thought that a second generation of friends would ‘repre- 
sent the strongest, sweetest, and most honourable of human 
affections.’ } 

* All these letters are autograph. 

? Adrien de Montmorency was the son of the Duc de Montmorency 
Laval and of the Duchesse, nee Marie Louise Mauricette, of Montmo- 
rency Luxembourg, godmother of Mme. de Boigne, who has referred to 
her on several occasions. See in particular first volume of these Me- 
moirs, pp. 193, 194 and 291. 

357 


358 COMTESSE DE BOIGNE 


Who then has changed and overthrown these conditions? 
Who has formed new friendships and new ties obliterating our 
old memories? It is not I. You are right when you say that 
old connections should not be broken off in search of new, and 
no one is a firmer believer than myself in those strong and ad- 
mirable lines of Shakespeare: 


“Those friends thou hast and their adoption tried, 
Grapple them to thy soul with hooks of steel.” 


I intend to answer your action with tenderness and without 
recrimination. I shall come to see you constantly. If it were 
only a matter of feeling for you as an old acquaintance, of de- 
lighting myself with your wit and with the amusements of one of 
the pleasantest houses in Paris, there would be no more to say, 
or rather I should not have shown any dissatisfaction. Your 
only reason for complaining of my coldness is the fact that you 
stood far deeper in my affection, esteem, and confidence. Once 
again I repeat I will come to see you as soon as I come to Val. 
We will shake hands as before, and try to heal the sore and close 
the deep wound. 

I return to-morrow for a few days to the Rue de l’Université, 
and be sure you understand that I have been deeply touched * 
by your letter. 

I am giving these lines for you to Mme. Récamier, as I am 
starting for Geneva; you know the consolation of which I am 
in search. [f it were only on account of this secret which we 
hold in common, our friendship would be eternal and secure 
from revolution. France, poor country, might be stirred to its 
very depths, but our old friendship cannot be changed, however 
greatly our colours may change. 

Pardon me, therefore, my reticence, and take my word that 
friendship is an oath which will never be changed or broken 
by me. | 

ADRIEN. 

Saturday, 28th. 

Write to M. Louis Bellanger, Poste Restante, Geneva. 


II 


Letter jrom BARON SEGUIER, French Consul-General ai London, 
to MMrE. LA COMTESSE DE BOIGNE. 


Lonpon, August 13, 1830. 
MADAME, 

Though very busy and by no means well, I cannot allow the 
post to go without at least acknowledging receipt of your letter 
of the 5th instant, and of the enclosure which I have not yet 
been able to send on, though I will do so when there is an op- 
portunity. 

The manner in which you speak of our new condition gives 
me great pleasure, for it is a proof that matters are growing 
settled, and it is only self-confidence, together with unity, which 
can eventually save us. Here we are the subjects of just ad- 
miration, and the English newspapers do nothing but apologise 
for the ill reputation which they formerly gave us; we are some- 
thing more than a nation of dancers and hairdressers; we are, 
in fact, the best nation in the world next to England. These 
new praises seem to be genuine, and if we continue to deserve 
them a real esteem may come to exist between the two nations; 
then we shall march everywhere hand in hand, and the happiness 
and peace of Europe will be assured. 

I hope you will be able to read this scribble, but I write with 
difficulty. Pray give my compliments to your family, and be- 
lieve me, 

Yours very truly, 
BARON SEGUIER. 


359 


III 


Letter jrom M. DE CHATEAUBRIAND fo MME. DE LA COMTESSE 
DE BOIGNE. 


Paris, July 31, 1830. 

Yesterday I went out to see you, but I was recognised in the 
streets and carried in triumph, much against my will, to the 
Chamber of Peers, where there was a meeting. To-day I am 
so discouraged by my glory that I dare no longer go out; I am 
about to enter upon a perilous path, where I shall find myself 
practically alone and in which I will sacrifice myself if necessary. 
I intend to remain faithful to my oaths, even towards perjurers. 
How unfortunate it is that I am so far from you! ‘There are no 
carriages and no means of communication. 

Pray accept my kind regards, Madame. I shall try and find 
some opportunity of getting as far as the Rue d’Anjou. Night 
would be the best time, but I cannot leave the house on account 
of the fears of Mme. de Chateaubriand, the sick people and the 
refugees, who have asked my hospitality. Mme. R. has not 
returned, but I expect to see her arrive every moment. 


360 


INDEX 


AGOULT, Vicomte d’, 110 and note 1 

Aix, 39, 42 

Alexander, Emperor of Russia— 
Receives news of the military 
insurrection in St. Petersburg, 
48-49; power of Prince Metter- 
nich over, 50; death and anxie- 
ties of his last years, 156-57 

Algerian expedition, the— 
Command of, 225-28, 237- 
38; preparation for, 236-38; 
capture of Algiers, 251-52 

Allée de Marigny, cutting down of 
trees in, 284 

Allies, the, departure of, from Paris, 
12-I 

Almanach Royal, cited, 21 note, 139 
note 2, 272 note 2 

Alsace, visit of Charles X. to, 194 

Andrinople, treaty of, 204 and note 2 

Andujar, withdrawal of ordinance of, 


97 

Angouléme, Duc de, see Dauphin, 
the 

Apponyi, Count— 
Lack of tact, 145-46; visit to 
M. Polignac, 262; mentioned, 


— Countess, 146 

Arago, M.— 
Mme. de Boigne’s message to, 
274-77; attempts to communi- 
cate with the Duc de Raguse, 
286-87; the Dauphin’s note to, 
287-88; offers drink to the de- 
fenders of a barricade, 307-8; 
opinion on chances of the Mor- 
temart Ministry, 310; reports 
the rumours current in Paris, 
319; accompanies Mme. de 
Boigne to Neuilly, 320-22; con- 
versation with Mme. de Mont- 
joie, 337 

Argenson, M. d’, 41 note 2 


361 


Argenteuil, Blanche Josephine La 

Bascle d’, 215 note 4 
— Marquis d’, 215 note 4 

Argout, Comte d’— 
Mission to St. Cloud, 299; at the 
Hétel de Ville, 301 

Artois, Comte d’, see Charles X. 

Arts and Crafts School at ChAalons, 
164 note 1 

Assemblies ‘“d’Appartement,” at the 
Tuileries, 147-48 

Aumale, Duc d’, 235 

Austria— 
Intervention in Naples, 50 and 
note 2, 45; refusal at the Em- 
bassy in Paris to recognise mili- 
tary titles of Napoleon, 145-46; 
Russian policy of, 204-5 

Avenue de Marigny, firing in, 288 


BacciocH!, Mme., see Bonaparte, 
Princesse Elisa 

Balkans, the, 205 

Barrot, M. Odilon, 302-3 and notes 
2 and 4, 334 

Bastard, M. de— 
In charge of investigation for 
trial of Louvel, 33, 36; story of 
the forgotten sentinel, 308-9 

Bayonne, intrigues at, 93 

Beaujon, hospital of, 321 

Beaumont, Mme. de, 85 

Beauregard, Marquis Costa de, cited, 
52 note 3; quoted, 98 note 

Beauvau, Anne Louise Marie de, see 
Poix, Princesse de 

— Charles Just de, Marshal, 1 

note 1, 2 note 2, 22 

Bellanger, M. Louis, 358 

Belley, College of, 69 note 1 

Bellune, Duc de— 
As Minister of War, 64 and note 
1; journey to and from Bayonne, 


362 


Bellune, Duc de—continued 
93-94; replaced by the Baron de 
Damas, IoI-2 
— Duchesse de, 93 and note 
Benoit, M. Denis, 293 
Beresina, battle of, 215 note 1 
Bergami, 43 
Bernadotte, Mme., persevering af- 
fection towards the Duc de 
Richelieu, 74-78 
Berry, Duc de— 
Ball given by, at the Elysée, 12, 
15-16; visits to the Palais Royal, 
14-15; at the ball of M. Gref- 
fulhe, 17; assassination of, 19- 
25; sorrow caused by his death, 
26 
— Duchesse de— 
Attitude towards the Duchesse 
d’Orléans, 15; character of, 16; 
at the ball of M. de Greffulhe, 
17; behaviour on the assassina- 
tion of her husband, 21-22; dis- 
trust of M. Decazes, 23; fulfils 
her husband’s requests, 23-24; 
intrigues with the Ultra party, 
33-37; tomb and inscription to 
her husband’s memory, 38; 
title of ‘‘Madame” refused to, 
£20; pats Rosny, 138-41; her 
habits and tastes, 138-39; popu- 
larity, 140; in the coronation 
procession of Charles X., 143; 
at the Dauphine’s reception, 
147-48; dislike to M. de Villéle, 
172; reception of, 180; balls 
given by, 196-98, 244-46; expe- 
dition in La Vendée, 214 note 1; 
goes south to meet her father, 
220; her gratitude to the king, 
260; delight at the loyalty of 
the troops, 304 
— Princesse de, 20, 198-200 
Bertin, Louis Fran¢ois— 
Account of, 117 and note 1; ar- 
rest and acquittal, 231 note 3 
Bertin de Vaux, 117 note 1 
Berton, General, 71 note 1 
Bertrand, General, 55 and note 2 
— Madame, 55 and note 2 
Béthisy, Marquise de, 21 - 
Blacas, M. de (French Ambassador 
at Naples), 81 and note 1, 220, 
246 
Black Band, the, 109 


INDEX 


Boigne, General de— 
Founds the refuge of Saint Be- 
noit, 39-40; illness and death of, 
247-48 

Boisgelin, Alexandre de, 19 and note 


2 

Bonaparte, Joseph, 67 note 1 

— Princesse Elisa, 240 and note 2 

Bordeaux, Duc de— 
Birth of, 44 and note 2, 44-45; 
placed under M. de Riviére, 
153-54; education, 199-200; 
Duc de Damas appointed his 
guardian, 190-91; desire to 
place him on the throne, 354-55; 
mentioned, 36 note 1, 88, 140 

Bouillerie, Comte de La, 111 

Bouillon, Duc de, 3 note 3 

— Princessee de, 3 and note 3 

Bourbon, Duc de, 143, 234-35 

Bourdeau, M., Minister of Justice, 
207 note 4 

Bourdois, Dr., 75-76 

Bourdonnaye, Comte de La— 
Charles X.’s reliance on, 213 and 
note 1; as Minister of the In- 
terior, 214 note 2; resigns, 223 
and note 2; recounts the king’s 
defence of M. de Bourmont, 
224-25; at Saint Cloud, 301; 
mentioned, 102 note 1, 191 note 2 

Bourmont, Comte de— 
Appointment as Minister of 
War, 214 and notes 1 and 2; his 
treachery, 223-24; Charles X.’s 
justification of, 224-25; tricks 
Marshal Marmont, 225-29; con- 
versation with M. de Glandevés, 
237 

Brézé, M., 129 

Briche, Mme., de La, masquerade 
at the house of, 19 and note 1 

Brissac, Comte de, 139 note 3 

Broglie, Duc de, 302, 317, 353 

— Duchesse de, 85 

Brown, Mrs., of London, 24 

Bubna, General, 53-54 


Capiz, military insurrection in, 47 

Cain, Henri Louis, 160 and note 3 - 

Calabria, Duke of, see Francis I. of 
Naples 

Capelle, Baron, 223 note 2, 240 and 
note I 


INDEX 


Capuchins, convent of, refounded by 
M. de Boigne, 40 

Caraman, Duc de, recalled from 
Vienna, 184-85; at the Verona 
Congress, 81 and note 1 

Carignan, Charles Albert Prince de, 
52 notes 2 and 3, 53; conduct at 
the capture of the Trocadéro, 98; 
the Grenadiers give him woollen 
epaulettes, 99 

Carlist party, anger against Mme. de 
Boigne, 315 

Caroline, queen of George IV.— 
Conduct in Savoy, 43 and note 2; 
trial of, 43 note 2; 45; death of, 56 

Caron, Lieutenant-Colonel, 72 note 2 

Carrousel, the— 
Occupied by the military, 269; 
captured by the people, 289 

Castlereagh, Lord— 
Interview with George IV., 56; 
death of, 78 

Castries, Duc de, 32-33 

Causans, M. de. 176 note 2 

Caux, M. de, Minister of War, 30, 
178 note 1 

Cayla, Comtesse du— 
Influence over Louis XVIIL., 57, 
62-63, 125-26; over the Marquis 
de Lauriston, 65; relations with 
the Duc de Rovigo, 105; the 
house at Saint Ouen, 107; her 
adroitness, 125-26; attitude of 
the Court of Charles X. towards, 
170 

— M. du, 170 

Censorship of the Press— 
Established by ordinance of 
August 15, 1824, 117; removed 
under Charles X., 132; sus- 
pension before the elections of 
1827, 174; established by the 


July ordinances, 1830, 252 
note 2 

Chabot, Elizabeth Charlotte de, 2 
note 2 

— Comtesse Fernand de, 96 and 
note 2 


Chabrol, M. de— 
As Naval Minister, 120 and 
note 2, 178 note 1; as Minister 
of Finance, 214 note 2; resigna- 
tion of, 239 
Chalais, Prince de, 2, 3 note 2, 7 
— Princesse de, 2, 3 and note 2, 5 


363 


Chambéry, 248; institutions founded 
at, by M. de Boigne, 39-40 

Champagny, Nompere de— 
Supposed influence over the 
Dauphin, 193; ignorance of the 
July ordinances, 254; men- 
tioned, 325 

Champs de Mars, 85, 165 

— Elysées, 288 

Chantelauze, M. de, Minister of 
Justice, 223 note 2, 234 

Chantilly, 234 

Charity Ball at the Opéra, 231 

Charles X.— 
Presence at the Duc de Berry’s 
death, 22; promise to the Duc de 
Richelieu on offering him the 
Ministry, 27-28; informs Louis 
XVIII. of the Duchesse de 
Berry’s plot, 35; conversation 
with the Duc de Richelieu, 60 
and note; reign of, 73; attitude 
on the death of the Duc de 
Richelieu, 76; favours war with 
Spain, 81; sorrow at the death of 
Mathieu de Montmorency, go; 
goes to St. Cloud 127; retort on 
M. Brézé, 129; entry into Paris, 
131-32; attitude towards the 
army; 136; at cards, 137-38; 
coronation at Reims and entry 
into Paris, 142-44; attitude as 
to quarrel at the Austrian Em- 
bassy, 146; supports law for con- 
version of Government stock, 
147; his assemblies ‘‘d’Apparte- 
ment,” 148; abolishes the Na- 
tional Guard, 1827, 165-66; at 
the camp of Saint Omer, 171; 
antipathy to Chateaubriand, 
182-83; journey in Alsace, 194; 
attitude towards M. Pasquier, 
201-2; conversation with the 
Duc de Mortemart, 203; de- 
clares for the Emperor Nicholas, 
204; opposes his own Cabinet, 
206; Opposition fables concern- 
ing, 208 and note 2-209; differ- 
ence in his language to M. de 
Martignac and M. de La Fer- 
ronnays, 209-10; formation of 
the Polignac Ministry, 215-17; 
believes himself able to justify 
M. de Bourmont, 224; Royal 
Session at the Louvre, 232; in- 


304 


Charles X.—continued 
cident of dropping his hat, 233; 
conversation with Admiral Du- 
perré, 237-38; July ordinances 
signed, 252 and note 2-255; 
game of whist at Saint Cloud, 
301; choice of passwords dur- 
ing the elections of 1830, 249; 
promise to the Duc d’Orléans, 
250; returns thanks to God for 
capture of Algiers, 251-52; 
march upon Rambouillet, 302 
note 2; cold reception of M. de 
Glandevés, 313; retirement to 
Rambouillet, 317; trial of the 
Ministers, 336; at Rambouillet, 
337; indifference shown to the 
ambassadors, 338-39; question 
of abdication, 354 
Charles Felix, King of Italy— 

Succession of, 52 note 2; policy 
towards the Prince de Carignan, 


98 note 1 
Charlotte, Queen of England, 15 
note ‘I 


Charlotte of Spain, 179 note 2 

Charter, the, 250, 295 

Chartres, 32 

— Duc de— 
Incident at the Duchesse de 
Berry’s ball, 196-97; regard of 
the Princesse de Berry for, 198; 
at the Charity Ball, 231; men- 
tioned, 267 

— Duchesse de, see Orléans, Dow- 
ager Duchesse d’ 

Chastellux, M. de, 5 and note 

Chateaubriand, Duc de— 
Publishes a history of the Duc de 
Berry, 39; appointed to Stock- 
holm, 39 and note 1; as ambas- 
sador in London, 79-80; at 
Verona, 81-82; succeeds the 
Duc de Montmorency, 82; ap- 
pointment of the Duc de Rauzan, 
gi—92; recalls the Marshal de 
Bellune, 101; is recalled, 115-16; 
his anger, 116; M. de Salvandy’s 
article attributed to, 129; pam- 
phlets of, 175; his disappointed 
ambition, 181-82; accepts the 
embassy at Rome, 183-84; re- 
turns from Rome, 207; resigns, 
218; scheme as to the crown of 
Navarre, 243; letters to the 


INDEX 


Chateaubriand, Duc de—continued 
Comtesse de Boigne, 311, 360; 
Mme. Récamier’s | solicitations 
on behalf of, 339; visit of the 
Comtesse de Boigne to, 351-54; 
his fits of rage, 352-53; men- 
tioned, 29 

— Mme. de, 360 

Chatenay, 168, 215 

Chatillon-sur-Seine, 159 

Chavernac, Dr., takes a message to 
the Duc de Raguse, 272; his re- 
turn to the Comtesse de Boigne, 
276 

Chevreuse, Duchesse de, 82 note 2 

Chio, massacres of, 174 

Choiseul, M. de, 283 and note 1 

Choisy, Mme. de, 109 

Christina, Queen of Spain, 220 and 
note 4, 242, 243 

Clausel, General, 193 and note 2 

Clementina, Archduchess, 51 note 1, 


244 note I 

Clermont d’Amboise, Louis de, 2 
note 2 

Clermont Ferrand, College of, 154 
note 2 


Clichy, barrier of, shooting at, 305 
Cloriviére, P. de, 69 note 1 
Collard, M. Royer— 
Opposes M. Richelieu, 59; fit- 
ness for office, 181-82; his ac- 
count of M. de La Bourdon- 
naye, 213 
Colmar, events at, June 1822, 71 
Comédie Frangaise, the, 149 
Communities, female, law affecting, 


153 

Conclave, the address of M. de 
Chateaubriand, 207 

Congregation of Jesuits, the— 
College of, refounded by M. de 
Boigne, 40; influence on the 
Villéle Ministry, 67 and notes; 
projects of, 69-71; demands 
under Charles X., 134-35; alter- 
ation of the coronation oath, — 
141; demands on M. de Villéle, 
153; Mémoire a Consulter di- 
rected against, 154; reports of 
miraculous events spread by, 
170; policy towards Greece, 173; 
determine the overthrow of M. 
de Villéle, 177; ordinance of 
June 1828 against, 191 and note 


INDEX 


Congregation of Jesuits, the—con’d 
2; Opposition fables concern- 
ing 208-9 and note 2; Ultra 
Party defeated by, 222 

Conspiracy, military, of August 20, 
1820, 41 and note 2 

Constant, Benjamin, 71 note 1, 307 

Constitutional Charter, the, 131-32 

— Party, attitude towards the Mar- 
tignac Ministry, 195 

— Royalists, refuse support to M. 
de Villéle, 177 

Conti, Princess of, 333 

Coppet, 86 

Corbiére, Comte de, Minister of the 
Interior, 63 and note 2; policy of, 
120 

Corcelle, M. de, 41 note 2 

Council of the King’s Conscience, 


253 

Courteilles, home of Mme. de Riche- 
lieu at, 10, 74 

Courville, M. De, 191 note 2 

Courvoisier, M.— 
As Minister of Justice, 214 note 
2; appointed in the Polignac 
Ministry, 216-17; resignation of, 
BLS, 223.1230 

Coussergues, M. Clausle, de, 26 and 
note I 

Croy, Cardinal de, 119, 135 


Damas, Baron de— 
Connection with the Jesuits, 69 
and note 2; replaces the Marshal 
de Bellune, 102 and note 1; as 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
120; guardian of the Duc de 
Bordeaux, 190-91; his method 
of education, 200; mentioned, 2, 
5 note 2, 7, 87, 146 

— Comtesse Charles de, 2; person- 

ality of, 5-6 

Damas, Mlle. de, 5 and note 1 

Dambray, Vicomte, 37 

Daniel, Samuel, 33 and note 2 

Dauphin, the— 
Presence at the Duc de Berry’s 
death, 22, 24; sorrow for the Duc 
de Richelieu’s death, 76; de- 
parture for Spain, 92; his pru- 
dence, 94-96; religion, 95; ill- 
feeling against him, 96; return 
to Paris, 102; reply to M. Portal, 
113; becomes Dauphin, 126; en- 


305 


Dauphin, the—continued 
ters the council of Charles X., 
133-34; attitude towards the 
army, 135-36; his wisdom, 172; 
leading influence in the Minis- 
try of War, 178 and note 1; 
change in his attitude, 188-89; 
share in the drawing up of the 
June ordinances, 191-92, 254; 
joins the Ultra party, 192-93; 
opposes the Algerian expedi- 
tion, 225, 228; journey to Tou- 
lon, 239; his ultra tendencies, 
250; his requests to M. Arago, 
287; dismisses M. de Glandevées, 
313-14; quarrels with the Duc 
de Raguse, 318 note 1; question 
of abdication, 355 
Dauphine, the— 
At the Duc de Berry’s ball, 16; 
treatment of the Duc de Riche- 
lieu, 74, 77; favours Mathieu de 
Montmerency, 87, 90; at Bor- 
deaux, 100-2; attitude tow- 
ards Mme. du Cayla, 109; tow- 
ards Father Elisée, 121; sorrow 
on death of Louis XVIII., 126; 
assumes the title of Dauphine, 
130; attitude towards the army, 
136; evening receptions given 
by, 138; receptions at the pal- 
ace, 147; attitude towards the 
clergy, 172; is expelled from 
Bordeaux, 193; disapproves of 
the Duchesse de Berry’s ball, 
197; anger against the magis- 
trates, 230 and note 3; attitude 
towards the Orléans family, 
234-35; her impressions as to 
repeal of Pragmatic Sanction, 
243; at the Palais Royal ball, 
246; attitude towards the Min- 
istry, 250-51; fears of the Duch- 
esse d’Orléans regarding, 325; 
attitude towards the Orléans 
princesses, 324; intercepted let- 
ter to her husband, 345 
Dauphiné, ovations given to M. de 
Lafayette in, 221 
Decazes, M.— 
The Duchesse de Berry’s dis- 
trust of, 23; public ill-feeling 
against, 26-27; resignation of, 
27; Louis XVIII.’s regard for, 
32-33 


366 


Declaration of Saint Ouen, 107 

Deputies, Chamber of— 
Septennial Act passed, 1824, 114; 
number of émigrés in, 150; in- 
trigues in, 206 

Despilly, M., 270 

Dessolles, General, 27 

Digeon, General Alexandre, 93 and 
note I 

Dijon, 223, 345 

Dillon, Mile. Fanny, see Bertrand, 
Mme. 

Dino, Mme. de, 163 

Doctrinaires, the, opposition to the 
Richelieu Ministry, 59-60 

Dolomieu, Mme. de, 322, 324, 346 

Dom Miguel, visit of, to Paris, 179 
and note 2 

— Pedro, 179 and note 2 

Dona Maria da Gloria, Queen, 179 
and note 2 

Doudeauville, Duc de— 
Intrigues of, 58 mote 1; made 
Postmaster-General in 1822, 64— 
65 and note 2; replaces the Mar- 
quis de Lauriston, 110-11}; re- 
signs, 168; mentioned, 126 

Dreux, 75 

Duperré, Admiral, 237-38 

Dupin (major), 191 note 2 

Dupont de l’Eure, M., 41 note 2, 334 

Duras, Duc de 259, 294, 310 note I 

— Mme. de, g1, 232 

Duvergier, Collection des lois et de- 
crets, cited, 110 note 1 


EcCKMUHL, Duc d’, 110 note 1 
Egidie, 32 
Election, new law of, provided by 
the July ordinances, 252 note 2 
Elections of February and March, 
1824, 114 and note 1 
— of 1827, 174-177 
— of 1830, 248-50 
Elie, name of M. Decazes, 32 
Elisée, Father, 121-22 
Elizabeth, d. of Henry IV. of France, 
242 note I 
Elysée Palace— 
Ball given by the Duc de Berry, 
at, 12, 15-17; sorrow in, on the 
death of the Duc de Berry, 25; 
mentioned, 250 
Emigrés, indemnity of, 117, 150-53 
Enghien, Duc d’, 105 


INDEX 


England— 
Russian policy of, 204; opinion 
in, of the French situation, 359 
Essonnes, the boat of, 291 
Etoile, barrier |’, fighting at the, 289 
Eu, 265, 266 


FABVIER, Baron, 273-74 and note 1 
— Colonel, 41 note 2 
Fagel, M. de, 260 
Fare, Henri de La, 119 
Fathers of the Faith, Society of, 69 
note I 
Faubourg St. Honoré, barricade in 
the, 283 
Federation, the, preparations for, in 
the Champs de Mars, 85 
Ferdinand I., King of Naples— 
Conduct at Laybach, 50 and note 
3; return to Naples and meet- 
ing with the Duke of Calabria, 
51; describes the Paura, 51-52; 
treatment of the Duc d’Angou- 
léme, 97 
— II., King of Naples, 219 and 
note 2 
— VII., King of Spain, account of, 
220 and note 4; abolition of the 
Salic Law by, 242 and note 1 
Ferronnays, M. de La— 
At Verona Congress, 81; Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs, 178 note 
I, 182-83; relations with M. de 
Polignac, 184; attitude of the 
Dauphin towards, 189-90; re- 
signs office, 201, 202; accident 
to, 205 and note 1; conversation 
with Charles X., 210; appointed 
to Rome, 219; mentioned, 24 
Fesch, Cardinal, 118 
Feuchéres, Mme. de, received at 
Court, 234-35 
Feudal customs at the funeral of 
Louis XVIII., 127-29. 
Feutrier, Mgr., Bishop of Beauvais, 
178 note I, 191 note 2, 208 
Fieschi, 125 note 1 
FitzJames, Duc de— 
Incident of the dagger, 18; 
search for the assassins, 34; 
mentioned, 215 note 4 
— Henrietta Victor de, 215 note 4 
Fleury, Duc de, 62 
Force, Duc de la, 249 and note 3 


INDEX 


Foy, General, subscription for chil- 
dren of, 222; mentioned, 41 
note 2, 71 note I 

France, Revolution of 1830 in (see 
also Paris), the first popular 
rising, 263-64 

Franchet, M. d’Espérey— 

Account of, 68 and note 3; dis- 
missed from post of General 
Director of Police, 185 

Francis I., Emperor of Austria— 
Intervention in Naples, 49-50 
and note 2; policy regarding the 
Duc de Reichstadt, 99 note 1; 
mentioned, 246 note 1 

Francis I., King of Naples— 
Meeting with Ferdinand at 
Rome, 51; family relations of, 
220 and note 3; visit to Paris, 
242-46, 250 

Francois II., representation of Court 
of, at the Duchesse de Berry’s 
ball, 196-98 

Frayssinous, M. de, Minister of Ec- 
clesiastical Affairs, 178 note 1 

Fréville, Baron de, 314 

Froissart, “very sadly” phrase of, 15 

Fronsac, Duc de, 8 

— Duchesse de, 8 and note 2 


GARCHE, Mme., 284-85 

Gardanne, General, 273 note 1 

Genaudel, Commissioner of Police, 
94 note 2 

Genlis, Comtesse de, 332 and note 2 

George IV.— 
Accession of, 27; trial of Queen 
Caroline, 43 mote 2; receives 
news of Napoleon’s death, 56; 
mentioned, 15 note 1 

Gérard, General— 
Mission to Neuilly, 325; his cow- 
ardice in civil matters, 336 and 
note 1; as deputy, 298 nole 1, 
301, 318 note I 

Girardin, M. de, 268-69 

— Mme. de, 268 

Glandevés, Baron de— 
Conversation with M. de Bour- 
mont, 236-37; widening of the 
royal box at the Tuileries, 244; 
escape of, 289; story of his es- 
cape from the Tuileries, 297- 
301; saying of, 301; receives his 
pass, 306; dismissal from Saint 


307 


Glandevés, Baron de—continued 
Cloud, 313-14; asks Mme. de 
Boigne to speak for him, 347; 
mentioned, 190 and note 1 

“‘Glorieuses,”’ the, 356 

““God helps those who help them- 
selves,”’ society, 175 

Gontaut, Duchesse de— 

Mémoires of, cited, 20 note, 24, 
45 note, 96 note 2, 97 note 1, 191 
note 1, 196 note 1; quoted, 196 
note 1, 310 note 1; refuses to ad- 
dress the Duchesse de Berry as 
““Madame,”’ 130; coolness of the 
Duchesse de Berry towards, 140; 
reproaches M. de 5 Disa Gray 
mentioned, 153 

Goulay, Jules, 347 

Gourgaud, Gaspar Baron, 55 and 
note I 

Gourgues, M. de, 176 note 2 

Grande Chartreuse, the, 89 

Grandmaison, M. Geoffroy ‘de— 
La Congregation of, quoted, 64 
note 1, 69 note 1, 192 note 1; 
cited, 176 notes 1 and 2, 191 
note 2, 193 note 1; exact informa- 
tion from, 69 note 3 

Gravier, M., 36 note 1 

Greece, events in, effect of, on Pari- 
sian society, 173 

Greffulhe, M.,. 253; 
given by, 17-19 

Grenoble, 221, 239 

Grouchy, General, 41 note,2 

Guards, Royal, absence of, from 
Paris, 254 

Guémenée, M. de Rohan, 234 

Guilleminot, General— 

Plot against, 94-95 and nofe 2; 
in Spain, 95 

Guizot, M.— 

Organisation of the elections, 
175; Chateaubriand’s hatred of, 


moo 


masked ball 


HAvusseEz, Baron d’, 214 note 2 
Hautefort, Adélaide Gabrielle de 
(Duchesse de Fronsac), 8 note 2 
— Mlle. d’ (Baronne de Damas), 9 
Hayti loans, the, 152 note 1 
Heinrich of Leiningen, Prince, 15 
note 1 
Hénin, Prince d’, 3 note 1 
— Princesse d’, 2, 3 and note 1-4 


368 


Henriade, tne, 317 

Henry IV., introduction of the Salic 
Law by, 242 note 1 

Hinaux, Commissioner of Police, 94 
note 2 

Holy Alliance, the, 115 

Hotel de Richelieu, 7 

Hotel de Ville, 144, 295, 301 

Hundred Days, 193 

Hydra, massacres of, 174 


ILE Bourzon, the, 65. 

Imperial Almonry, the, 118 
Incendiarism in Normandy, 248, 254 
Insurrections, military, epidemic of, 


47 
Isabella Maria, Regent, 179 note 2 
— Queen of Naples, 51 note 1, 220 
note 3, 244-46, 250 
— II., Queen of Spain, 220 note 4, 
242 note 1 
Tssoudun, Mlle. d’, 24 
Istrie, Duchesse d’, 146 


JEANNE, d. of Louis X., 242 note 1 

Jér6éme, King of Westphalia, 30 ote 2 

Jesuits, see Congregation of Jesuits 

Joao VI., 179 note 2, 182 note 1 

Journal des Debats, cited, 116, 129, 
230 note 3 

July ordinances, the, 252 and noe 2, 
255 

Jumilhac, Mme. de, 10-11, 211, 291 

_ June ordinances, the, 191-92 and 

note 2 


KaAroty, Count, escape of, 275 

Kaunitz, Prince, 48 note 1 

Kent, Duke of, 15 note 1 

Kinnaird, Lord, dismissed by Gen- 
eral Bubna, 54 

Knights Commanders, promotion of, 
on the birth of Duc de Bor- 
deaux, 45-46 


LA ROCHELLE, execution of subal- 
terns of, 113 
La Vendée, 214 note 1, 223 
Labedoyére, Mme., 293, 312 
Laborde, Comte Alexandre de, 300, 
306, 340 
— Nathalie de, 2 note 1, 215 note 1 
Lafayette, M. de— 
Ovations given to, in Dauphiné, 
221; the message from Rouen, 


INDEX 


Lafayette, M. de—continued 
295-96; popular enthusiasm for, 
312; mentioned, 41 note 2, 72 
note I 

Lafitte, M., deputy, 41 mote 2, 72 
note 1, 298 note 1, 334 

— Messrs., 152 note 1 

Lainé, M., 40-42, 191 note 2 

Lallemant, law student, death of, 38 

Lally, M. de (Comte de Lally Tol- 
lendal), 3, 6 

Lambruschini, Louis, Papal nuncio, 
230 

Larousse, Dictionnaire, Illustré, cited, 
345 note I 

Latil, Abbé de, Archbishop of France 
134, 230 

Lauriston, Marquis de— 

As Minister of the King’s House- 
hold, 65; appointed Marshal of 
France, 110-11 
Laval, Duc de— 
Recalled from Rome, 184; re- 
places M. de Polignac in Lon- 
don, 219; his visit to the Com- 
tesse de Boigne, 219; letter to 
the Comtesse de Boigne, quoted, 
357; mentioned, 29, 88 

— Marquis Guy de, 83; death of, 
8 


4 
— Marquise de, 83-86 
— Vicomte de, 82 
— Vicomtesse de, 82-83 
Lavau, M. Guy de, Prefect of Police, 
68 and note 2, 112 note 1, 164 
note 1; dismissal of, 184 
Laybach, Congress of Troppau re- 
moved to, 47 note 1, 50 
Le Kain, see Cain 
Le Temps, accounts of disturbances 
published in, 276 
Leo XII., Pope, death of, 207 note 1 
Leopold I., King of Belgium, 15 
note I 
— Prince of Salerno, 246 and note 1 
Lerminier, Dr., 75-76 
Les Oiseaux, Convent of, 192 note 1 
Lévis, Duc de, 134, 139 note 3 
Lévis-Mirepoix, M. de, 176 note 2 
Liancourt, Duc de— 
Saying of, 64 note 3; deprived of 
his sinecures, 112 and note 1; 
funeral of, 164-65 
Liberal opposition, ‘the fifteen years’ 
comedy,” 164 note 1 


INDEX 


Lieutard, M., 108 

Lille, loyalty of, 171 

Lit de Justice, 71 and note 1 

Lobau, Comte, deputy, 298 note 1 

Lobinski, M. de, presents the “pen 
of honour” to Mme. de Boigne, 


349 
Londonderry, Marquis of, see Cas- 
tlereagh, Lord 
Lormoy, Chateau de, at Longpont, 
215 and note 3 
Lorraine, Sophie of Guise, Princess 
of, 8 note 1 
Lostende, M. de, 94 note 2 
Louis, Baron, 335 
— Philippe Joseph, 332 note 1 
— X., 242 note 1 
— XVI., 22, 167 
— XVIII.— 
Favour shown to M. Decazes, 
27-29, 32; presents sent by mis- 
take to the Duc de Castries, 33; 
informs the Council of the plot 
of the Duchesse de Berry, 35; 
influence of Mme. du Cayla over, 
57, 61-63; anxiety for the resig- 
nation of the Richelieu Minis- 
try, 61-63; attitude on the death 
of the Duc de Richelieu, 77; 
policy at Verona, 81; portrait of, 
at Saint Ouen, 108; objection to 
leaving the Tuileries, 122; last 
illness and death, 123-26; fu- 
neral, 127-29; attitude towards 
the army, 136 
Louvel, Louis Pierre, assassinates 
the Duc de Berry, 21-24; his 
trial and execution, 25 note, 33, 
36 . 
Louvre, royal session at the, 232-33; 
capture of, 288-89 
Lowe, Sir Hudson, conduct towards 
Napoleon, 56 and note 3 
Luxembourg, Duc de, Captain of the 
Guards, 302 
— Palace, 312 
Luynes, Duc de, 83 
— Duchesse de, 82-83 note 2 
Lyons, 221 


MacCartey, Father, Jesuit, 67 note 1 

Macchi, Monseigneur, 108 

Mackau, Baron de, 152 note 1, 225 

““Madame,”’ title of, refused to the 
Duchesse de Berry, 130 


309 


Mme. Récamier et ses amis, cited, 207 
note 3 
Madeleine, the, black flag hoisted on, 
281; tricolour replaces the black 
flag, 295 
Mahon, 239 
Maillé, Comte Hardouin de, 215 
note 2 
— Ducde (Charles Fran. Armand), 
22, 215 and note 4 
Maison, Nicholas Joseph, 302-3 and 
notes 2, 3 
Mallet, MM., bankers, 269-70, 275 
Manuel, M.— 
Expelled from the Chamber, 
1o2 and note 1; funeral of, 
164; mentioned, 41 note 2, 71 
note I 
Maria Clementina, d. of Francis I. 
of Austria, 246 note 1 
— Josephine Amelia Beatrice, Prin- 
cess of Saxony, 220 note 4 
— Theresa, d. of Philip IV. of 
Spain, 242 note 1 
Marialva, Marquis of, 180 and note 1 
Marie Antoinette Theresa, Princess 
of Naples, 220 note 3 
— Isabella Francoise, Princess of 
Portugal, 220 note 3 
Marmont, Marshal, see Raguse, Duc 
de 
Marsan, Pavillon de, 36, 140 
Martignac, Ministry, the— 
Composition of, 178 and note 1; 
prospects of, 194-95; fall of, 
213-16 
— Vicomte de— . 
In Spain, 95; Minister of the In- 
terior, 178 note 1; dislike of 
Charles X. for, 194-95; his dis- 
missal, 209-10 
Martin the Seer, 303 
Marville, Chateau de, 65 note 1 
Massa, Duchesse de, 146 
Masséna defeats Souvarov, 8 note 3 
Maubreuil, Marie Armand Guerri 
de, assault of, on Talleyrand, 
161-63 and note 
Mauguin, M., deputy, 298 note 1 
Maximum, law of, 150 
Meffray, Comtesse de, 97 and note 1 
Mémoire a Consulter of M. de Mont- 
losier, 154 
Merlin, General, 41 note 2 
Mesnard, Comte de, 139 and note 3 


37° 


Metternich, Prince— 
Tact of, 47-49 and note; account 
of the Paura by, 51; influence 
over Alexander, 157; at Paris, 
170; influence over Dom Miguel, 
180 

Meun, M. de, 20 

Migné in Poitou, 170 

Millemont, 206 note 2 

Molé, Comte, 19 note 1 

Moncalieri, 52 note 1 

Moniteur, the— 
Quoted, 59 note 2, 232 note I, 
248 note I, 251-52 and note; 
cited, 04,112,431; the July 
Ordinances published in, 254; 
at Saint Cloud, 259; publishes 
the coup d’ état, 325; mentioned, 
168, 181, 182, 190, 214 and 
note 2, 217, 227 

Monsieur, see Charles X. 

Montauban, insurrection at, 249 

Montbel, Baron de, Minister of Edu- 
cation, 214 note 2; Minister of 
the Exchequer, 223 note 2 

Montblanc, Mgr. de, Archbishop of 
Tours, 176 note 2 

Montcalm, Mme. de— 
Salon of, 7-11; personality of, 
10-11; receives the Duc’ de 
Richelieu, 75 

Montesquiou, Abbé de, personality 
of, 6; mission to Saint Cloud, 271 

Montjoie, Comtesse de— 
Conversation with Pozzo, 336; 
Mme. de Boigne’s intercourse 
with, 266-67, 315-16, 319, 341, 
343 eet 

Montlosier, Comte de, Memoire a 
Consulter by, 154 and note 2 

Montmorency, Duc Mathieu de— 
As Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
63; in the hands of the Congre- 
gation, 66, 67, 69; at Verona, 
80-82; war policy and resigna- 
tion, 82; his life and death, 83- 


fe) 
—— Dette Mathieu de, 63; story 

of, 83-90 

Montmorency-Laval, Duc and Duch- 
esse de, 357 noler . 

Montpensier, Duchesse de, 220 note 4 

Montrouge, Jesuits of, 153 

Moreau, steward, of Pontchartrian, 


317) 318 


INDEX 


Morlot, officer of the peace, 94 note 2 

Mortefontaine, Mme. de, 19 

Mortemart, Duc de— 
Proposed as successor to the Duc 
de Riviére, 190; conversation 
with Charles X., 203; arrives at 
Hotel de Ville, 301; criticism of 
the Russian Ambassador, 310; 
summons the peers to the Lux- 
embourg, 312; illness of, 314; 
commissioned to form a Cab- 
inet, 318 note 1; mentioned, 126, 
176 note I, 305 

Mortier, Marshal, sale of house of, 
125 and note 1 

Mouchy, Duc de, 1 note 1, 2 and note 
1; his opinion of the Polignac 
Ministry, 215 and note 1, 216, 219 

Mounier, M., 31, 191 note 2 


Nansouty, Adélaide, Comtesse de, 
211 

— Etienne, Comte de, 211 note 1 

Naples— 
Military revolution in, 47; con- 
duct of the old king, 50 and note 
3; visit of the Court of, to Paris, 
244-46, 250 

Napoleon I., Emperor— 
Death of, 55-56; refusal of the 
Austrian Court to recognise 
titles bestowed by, 145-46; 
policy towards his Ministers, 
201-2 

— II., King of Rome, 99-100 and 

note 1, 204, 295 

Narishkine, Mme. de, relations with 
the Emperor Alexander, 156-57 

National Guard, the— 
Refuse to remove M. Manuel, 
102 note 1; disbanding of, 165— 
67; proposed re-establishment, 
270, 275; action at Essonnes, 
291; the incident of the fleurs-de- 
lys, 336 note 1 

Nature, a freak of, 186-87 

Navarino, battle of, 173-74 

Navarre, throne of, question of suc- 
cession to, under the Salic Law, 
242 note, 243 

Neuilly, the Comtesse de Boigne at, 
265-67, 320-28 

Neuville, Baron Hyde de— 
Promise to M. de Chateau- 
briand, 182 and note 1, 202; 


INDEX 


Neuville, Baron Hyde de—cont’d. 
conference with M. Pasquier, 
271; mentioned, 178 note 1 

Neveu, 36 note 1 

Ney, Marshal, trial of, 224 

Nicholas, Emperor— 

Coronation of, 158; behaviour 
during the campaign against 
Turkey, 204; efforts of Charles 
X. on behalf of, 204 

Nicole, Abbé, visit of, to M. de 
Richelieu, 76 

Noailles, Alexis de, 191 note 2 

— Alfred de, 215 note 1 
— Charles de, see Mouchy, Duc de 
— Charlotte Léontine de, 215 
note 1 
— Comtesse Juste de, 139 
— Mlle. de, 8 note 1 
Normandy, conflagrations in, 248, 


254 

Nostradamus, M. Michel, Les Pro- 
pheties by, 25 note 

Notre Dame, Te Deum sung at, on 
the capture of Algiers, 251 


OpeEssA, founding of, 9, 62 

Opéra, the, Charity Ball at, 231 

Ordinances— 
August, 1824, 117 
July, 252 and note 2, 255; repeal 
of, 318 note 1 
June, 1828, 191-92 and note 2 
November 5, 1827, 174 note, 176 
note 
Regarding funeral processions, 
164 

Orléans, Duc d’— 
Life at the Palais Royal, 13-14; 
absents himself from the Duc de 
Berry’s ball, 15; at the Duc de 
Berry’s death, 23; illness of his 
wife, 220-21; at the Charity Ball, 
231; incident of the fall of the 
king’s hat, 233; gratitude to M. 
de Glandevés, 244; ball given 
to the Court of Naples, 245-49; 
deceived by Charles X., 250; 
arrival at the Palais Royal July 
30, 314-15}; proclamation issued 
by, as Lieutenant-General, 320 
and note 1; question of his title, 
322; conduct on hearing the 
summons, 325-26; ovation for, 


346 


371 


Orléans, Duchesse d’— 
Attitude towards the Duchesse 
de Berry, 15; at the Dauphine’s 
reception, 148; illness of, 220- 
21; bitterness at repeal of Prag- 
matic Sanction, 243; the Palais 
Royal ball, 245-47; conversa- 
tion with Mme. de Boigne, 324- 
27; arrives at the Palais Royal 
with the Princesses, 327; rela- 
tions with Mme. de Boigne, 329; 
her character, 330-31; visit to 
Mademoiselle, 343-44 

— Mademoiselle d’— 
Regrets as to her family’s posi- 
tion, 265; conversation with 
Mme. de Boigne, 322-23, 328; 
character, 331-36; interview 
with Pozzo, 341-50; her opinion 
of Pasquier and Pozzo, 350» 

— Princes d’— 
ieeecive the. title (ot “Royal 
Highness,”’ 130; in the corona- 
tion procession of Charles X., 
143 

— Princesse Louise d’, 219, 324 

— the Dowager Duchess, 333 and 
note 4 

Osmond, Comte Rainulphe d’— 
Aide-de-camp to the Duc d’An- 
gouléme, 103; at the death of 
Louis XVIII.,.127 

— Comtesse Rainulphe d’— 
Favour shown to, by the Duch- 
esse d’Angouléme, Io1, 138; 
birth of her daughter, 155 

— Mademoiselle Jeanne, 155 

Osmond, Marquis d’— 
Non-promotion of, with Knights 
Commanders, 45; summoned to 
the Luxembourg, 312 

— Marquise d’, 317-18 

— Rainulphe d’ (son of Comte 
Rainulphe), 155 

Oudinot, Marshal, see Reggio, Duc de 

Ouvrard, 93-94 


PaAjJoL, General, 41 note 2 

Palais Bourbon, 235, 320 note 1 

Palais Royal— 
Drawing-rooms and social life 
of, 13-14; ball at, 245-47; ar- 
rival at, of the Duc d’Orléans, 
314-16; the Orléans Princesses, 
327; Comtesse de Boigne’s visit 


372 INDEX 


Palais Royal—continued Pasquier, M.—continued 


to, 342-44; appearance of the 
palace, 344-46; mentioned, 7 

Pampeluna, capture of, rroand note 1 

Panisse, M. de, 176 note 2 

Parga massacres, 174 

Paris— 
Carnival of 1820, 12; departure 
of the Allies from, 12-13; entry 
of Charles X., 131; festivities 
on the coronation of Charles X., 
143-44; visit of the Court of 
Naples to, 244-47, 250; agita- 
tion in the town,: 251; March, 
1814, and July, 1830, compared, 
258; appearance of the streets, 
July 26, 1830, 261-62; the first 
popular rising, 262-63; first 
barricades, 267-68; appearance 
of the. streets vpuly 28,. 2703 
events of July 28, 280-81; the 
first cannon-shot, 275; insur- 
gents seek arms, 276; resumption 


Chancelier Pasquier, cited, 28, 
39 note I, 79 note 1, I15, 204 
note 2; quoted, 36 note 1, 58 
note 1, 60 note 1, 62 note, 64 
note 3, 72 note 2, 94 note 2, 117 
note 1, 192 note I, 218 note, 311 
note 1; defeats the Opposition, 
38; friendship with the Com- 
tesse de Boigne, 78; defeat of 
M. de Villéle, 117 and note 1; 
speech on the law of sacrilege, 
135; declines the portfolio of 
Foreign Affairs, 201-2; visit 
to the Girardin household, 269; 
conference with M. de Neuville, 
271; advises Mme. de Boigne 
not to leave Paris, 283; talk with 
Mme. de Boigne, 312; visit to 
M. de Mortemart, 314; gloomy 
apprehensions, 340; interviews 
with Mademoiselle, 342, 349-50; 
mentioned, 188, 214, 280, 301 


of the conflict, 278; tactics of | Paul I., Emperor of Russia, 8 and 


the insurgents, 279-81; the 


note 4 


black flag, 281; alarming ru- Pawra, the, Ferdinand’s description 


mours, 280-81; the tocsin, 280- 


Of, Fi-k2 


81; Thursday, July 29, 281; Peers, Chamber of— 


manufacture of cartridges at 
the Bourse, 282; impossibility of 
leaving, 282-83; tactics of the 
insurgents, 283-84; evacuation 
by the royal troops, 288-89; 
capture of the Louvre, 288-89; 
barricades on the boulevards, 
291-92; a walk through, 291-95; 
“Long live the Charter,” 295; 
the march upon Rambouillet, 
302 note 2; events of July 30, 


-Trial of the military conspir- 


ators, 41 note 2, 57; anger of, at 
political executions, 72; adop- 
tion of Septennial Act, 114; law 
affecting female communities 
passed, 153; opposition to law 
concerning primogeniture, 164; 
alliance with the country, 165; 
nomination of seventy-six new 
peers, 176-77; popularity, 176; 
trial of Marshal Ney, 224 


306; the workmen resume work, Penthiévre, Duc de, 335 
307; honesty and toleration of Périer, M. Augustin, 221 note 1 
the populace, 307-10; arrival of — M. Casimir— 


the Duc d’Orléans, the provi- 
sional Government, 314-16; gen- 
eral anxiety, 318-19; proclama- 
tion by the Lieutenant-General, 
320 and note 1; ambassadors’ 


Account of, 222 and note 1; as 
deputy, 298 and note 1; sends 
pass to M. Glandevés, 306; the 
hand-shake of M. Glandevés, 
313; mentioned, 301, 318 note 1 


proposal to go to Rambouillet, Peyronnet, Comte de— 


338; appearance of the streets 
Sunday, August 2, 342 
-— Comtesse de, 220 note 3 
— See of, 118-19 
Pasquier, M.— 
As Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
27 and note 2; Memoires du 


In the Villéle Ministry, 63-64 
and note 4; policy of, 120; as Min- 
ister of the Interior, 223 and 
note 2; public opinion regarding, 
239-40; his assurance to M. de 
Rothschild, 253; mentioned, 
185, 206 


INDEX 


Philip V. of France, 242 note 1 
— V. of Spain, 242 note 1 
Piedmont, military insurrection in, 
47, 52-53 
Pins, Mgr. de, 176 note 2 
Pius VIII., Pope, election of, 207 and 
note I 
Place Beauvau— 
Stockades in, 284; the proclama- 
tion read in, 320 and note 1 
— de Gréve, 37 
— de la Bourse, 268 
— Louis XV.— 
Artillery in, 269; fusillade in, 288 
— Vendédme— 
Military occupation of, 269; de- 
claration suspending hostilities 
read in, 286 
‘Podenas, Mme. de, 196 
Poix, Prince de, 1 mote 1, 215 note I 
— Princesse de— 
Salon of, 1-7; personality, 2, 4; 
mentioned, 215 note 1 
Polignac, M. Jules de— 
Connection with the Jesuits, 69; 
intrigues of, 178, 184; Minister 
of Foreign ‘Affairs: 214 note 2: 
rejects movement for the Alge- 
rian expedition, 225, 227; signs 
the July ordinances, 252 and 
note 2; his shortsightedness and 
incapacity, 254; his triumph, 
262-63; coerces the Duc de 
Raguse, 273; advice to General 
Virtcent, 293; M. de Glandevés’ 
account of his behaviour, 298; 
his visions, 302; his confidence, 
313-14; and the diplomatic 
body, 338-39 
— Ministry, the, 210; general out- 
cry against, 21 5-18, 223 
Polytechnic School— 
Action of the pupils, 282; their 
authority recognised, 290, 294, 
308, 321 
Pontchartrain, 75, 219, 283; Mme. de 
Boigne’s connection with, 310, 
317-18 
Poreth, M. de, 19 
Portal, Baron, Naval Minister— 
Law for protection of coasting 
trade, 135; mentioned, 27 note 2, 
30, 113, 124 and note 1, 188 
Portalis, M.— 
As Minister of Justice, 178 


Sis 


Portalis, M.—continued 
note 1; as Interim Minister, 202, 
205; as Minister of Foreign 
‘Affairs, 207 note 4; mentioned, 
oT 
Porte Sainte Marie, 97 
— Saint Martin— 
Parody of Danaides at, 18; dis- 
turbances in, 267; battle at, 279- 
80 
Porto Ferrajo, 239 
Potier, Charles, 18 
Potocka, Comtesse Vincent, 107 
Pozzo di Borgo, General— 
Premonitions concerning the 
House of Bourbon, 44-45; 
quoted, 51; account of the as- 
sault on M. de Talleyrand, 161- 
62; induces Charles to interfere 
on the Russian question, 204; 
_ visit to M. Polignac, 262; main- 
tains the right of nations to pun- 
ish perjured kings, 268; opinion 
of the situation, 292, 310; meet- 
ings with Mme. de Boigne, 314, 
315, 337; aversion for General 
Sébastiani, 315-16; changed at- 
titude towards proposed d’Or- 
léans dynasty, 337-39; inter- 
views with Mademoiselle, 341, 
348-50; mentioned, 301 
Pragmatic Sanction, repeal of, 242- 
43 and note 1 
Preissac, Comte de, 249 and note 2 
Press censorship, see Censorship of 
the Press 
Primogeniture, right of, law of, op- 
posed by Peers, 164 
Princesses, the ‘‘ United,” 3 
Princeteau, Mme., 32 


QuELEN, M. de, Archbishop of 
Paris— 
Opposition to M. de Villéle, 
118-20 and note; forbids clergy 
of his diocese to. attend Louis 
XVIII.’s funeral, 128 and note; 
mentioned, 191 note 2 


RAGUSE, Duc de— 
Account of the funeral of Louis 
XVIII. by, 128-29; mission to 
the Emperor Nicholas, 158; 
schemes of, 158-60; account of 
the assault on M. de Talleyrand, 


374 


Raguse, Duc de—continued 
161-63; accounts of the Dau- 
phin, 194; tricked by M. de 
Bourmont, 225-29; fury against 
M. de Bourmont, 228-29; char- 
acter, 229; the password ‘‘ Mont- 
pellier,” 249; ignorance of the 
July ordinances, 254; learns of 
the coup d@’état, 259; his opinion, 
260-61; established at the Tuile- 
ries, 268; Mme. de Boigne’s 
message to, 271-74; his opera- 
tions, 272; reports concerning 
him, 281; his illusion, 283; ‘“‘God 
protects good mothers,” 285; 
declines to fire on women and 
children, 285; his own opinion 
of his situation, 286; story of M. 
de Glandeveés, 298-300; his de- 
spair, 314; his position, 318 and 
note 1; under the special pro- 
tection of the Orléans Prin- 


cesses, 337; mentioned, 136, 
145-46, 211 

Raincy, 320 note 1 

-Rainneville, M. de, General Secre- 
tary of Finance, 68 

Rambouillet— 


March on, 302 note 2; retire- 
ment to, 317, 323; mentioned, 
200, 337 

Ranville, M.‘de Guernon, 214 note 2 

Rauzan, Duc de, 280, 285, 293; as 
Director of the Ministry of For- 
eign Affairs, 91-92 

— Duchesse de— 
Finds it impossible to leave 
Paris, 283; information received 
by, 318, 319; helps Mme. de 
Boigne to start for Neuilly, 320; 
mentioned, 280, 312 

Ravez, M., request to M. Manuel, 
102 note 1; declines to enter the 
Polignac Ministry, 213-14 

Récamier, Mme.— 
Visits of Mme. Bernadotte to, 
77-78; as peacemaker, 82, 91- 
92; note to the Comtesse de 
Boigne, 339-40; the Comtesse 
de Boigne’s visit to, 350-54; 
mentioned, 219, 358, 360 

Reggio, Duc de (Marshal Oudinot), 
98, 145-46; order abolishing the 
National Guard, 166 

Reggio, Duchesse de, 130 


INDEX 


Reichstadt, Duc de, see Napoleon II. 

Reims, coronation of Charles X. at, 
142-43 

Renel, Marquis de, see Clermont 
a’ Amboise, Louis de 

Republic, fears of a, 313-14 

Retz, Cardinal, 119 

Reuilly, Comtesse de, 235 

Revolution, ‘Glorious Revolution” 
of 1688 compared with that of 
1830, 340 note 2 

— of 1830, see Paris 

Reyneval, M., 31 and note 1 

Richelieu, Duc de— 
Story of his wife, 7-10; prefer- 
ence for Mme. de Montcalm, 
10-11; good-will towards M. 
Decazes, 27; appointed in place 
of M. Decazes, 27-29; second 
Ministry of, 30-32; intrigues 
against his Ministry, 57-61; 
resignation, 61-63; illness and 
death of, 73-78 

— Duc de (grand-nephew of the 
Cardinal), 8 and note 1, 197 

— Duchesse de (wife of the Min- 
ister), story of, 6-10 

Right and Left Parties, opposition 
to the Richelieu Ministry, 59 

Rigny, Vice-Admiral de— 
Commands at the battle of Na- 
varino, 173; in the Admiralty, 
214 note 2; appointment in the 
Polignac Ministry, 216 and 
note 2; refusal to accept office, 
217 and note 3, 218; personality 
of, 238-39 

Rivitre, Duc de— 
Appointed Captain af the Guards 
to Monsieur, 39 note 1; connec- 
tion with the Jesuits, 69; as 
guardian of the Duc de Bor- 
deaux, 134, 153-54; illness and 
death of, 178-79; question of re- 
placing him, 190; mentioned,:176 

Rochefoucauld, Liancourt, Duc de, 
see Liancourt 

— Mme. de La, 89 

— Sosthéne de La— 
Intrigues of, 58 and note 1; rela- 
tions with Mme. du Cayla, 63; 
with M. de Villéle, 168-69 

Rochejacquelin, Mme. de La, 139 

Roger, Father, of the Congregation, 
68 note 3 


INDEX 


Ronsin, Father Pierre, of the Con- 
gregation, 68 note 3, 69 and note 
1; work of, 192 note 1 

Rosny— 
Tomb of the Duc de Berry at, 
38; the Duchesse de Berry at, 
138, 141; journey of the Naples 
Court to, 245; mentioned, 250, 


325 

Rothe, Mme. de, 8 note 1 

Rothesay, Sir Charles Stuart, Papal 
nuncio, 310 note 1 

Rothschild, Baron de, 348 note 1 

— Baron James de, interview of) 
with M. de Peyronnet, 253-54 

— Messrs., 147, 152 note 1 

Rouen, the messenger from, 295-96 

Rougé, Marquis de, 176 note 1 

Roussin, Baron, 237 

Rovigo, Duc de, 41 note 2, 105-7 

Roy, M., Minister of Finance, 27 
note 2, 30 and note 4, 178 note 1 

Royal Guard, the, return of, to 
Paris, 297; death of a grenadier, 
321-22 

“Royal Highness,”’ title of, given to 
the Princes d’Orléans, 130 

Rubichon, M., 253 

Rue, Baron de La (Isidore), 272-74 

— Colonel de La, and the Duc de 
Reichstadt, gg—100 

— Coq Héron, Postmaster-Gener- 
al’s official residence in, 64 

—- d’Anjou, the patrol in, 275; 
barricades in, 283 

— de |’Echelle, barricades, in 268 

— de Lycée, 245 

— de Mont Blanc, 270 

—de Rivoli, 292; Talleyrand’s 
house in, 348 note 1 

— de Sévres, Jesuit convent in, 
192 note I 

— de Suréne, 275; barricades in, 
284 

— des Mathurins, 270 

— du Faubourg St. Honoré, fusil- 
lade in, 275; barricades in, 294 

— du Roule, 320 

— Saint Denis, disturbances in, 265 

Rumilly, 42 

Russia, campaign against the Turks, 
204 


SACRED HEART, Ladies of the, 153 
Sacrilege, law of, 134-35 


aro 


Saint Acheul, Jesuits of, 153 

— Benoit, refuge of, founded by 
M. de Boigne, 39-40 

— Bruno, chapel of, 89 

— Cloud— 
Condition of, 122; reception 
at, 1313. life, at. 238; .on, July 
26, 1830, 259; march of the 
troops on, 289; behaviour of 
the king at, 301-2; abandoned, 
317 

— Criq, M., Minister of Com- 
merce and Manufactures, 178 
note I 

— Denis— 
Burial of Louis XVIII. in, 127- 
29; the expiatory ceremony at, 
161 

— Domingo, indemnity of, 152 and 
note 1 

— Helena, death of Napoleon on, 


54-56 

— John of God, Brothers of, rat 
and note 2 

— Omer, camp of, 171 

— Quen, 107 

— Petersburg, insurrection of the 
garrison, 48-49 

— Simon, cited, 130 

— Thomas d’Aquin, church of, 89, 
192 note 1 

— Thomas de Villeneuve, Sisters 
of, 192 note 1 

Sales, M. de, Sardinian Minister at 
Paris, 339 

Salic Law, abolition of, in Spain, 
242 and note 1, 243 

Salvandy, M. de— 
Account of the funeral of Louis 
XVIII. by, 129; pamphlets of, 
175; arrival from Essonnes, 291; 
refuses the tricolour, 309 

San Sebastian, siege of, 110 note 1 

Sauvigny, General Bertier de, 236 

Schonen, M. de, 302 note 2 

Sébastiani, General, Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, 315, 322; inter- 
viewed by Mademoiselle, 344, 
346 

Séguier, Baron— 
Correspondence with Mme. de 
Boigne, quoted, 79 note 1, 292 
note 2, 359; rebuffed by the 
Duchesse d’Angouléme, 230; 
mentioned, 191 note 2 


370 


Sémonville, Marquis de— 
Observation of, to the Duc 
d’Orléans, 266 and note, 267; 
his mission to Saint Cloud, 299; 
return of, 301 

Septennial election, law of, passed 
1824, 114 

Serre, M. de, Minister of Justice, 27 
note 2, 30, 38 

Siddons, Mrs., 160 and note 4 

Sieyés, Abbé, 83 

Sillery, Marquis de, 332 note 2 

Siméon, M., Minister of the Interior, 
30 

Simiane, Marquis de, 4 note 1 

— Marquise de, 2, 4 

Sorbonne, the, 77 

Soult, Marshal, 145-46 

Souvarov, Count, Russian general, 
8 and note 3 

Spain, abolition of the Salic Law in, 
242 and note I, 243 

Spanish War, absence of prepara- 
tions for, 92; the campaign, 97— 

98 

Stasl, Mme. de, 3; friendship of 
Mathieu de Montmorency for, 
85, 86 

Stock, Government— 

Conversion of, by M. de Villéle, 
114, 115 and mole, 117, 120, 121; 
the law of May, 1825, 146-47 
and note 1, 150-53 

Strasburg, 194 

Stuart, Lord, 292 and note 2 

Suisses, the, behaviour of, at the 
Tuileries, 300 

Sweden, Queen of, see Bernadotte, 
Mme. 


TAGANROG, 156 

Talleyrand, M. de— 
Sayings of, 76, 167; charges of 
the Duc de Rovigo against, to5— 
7; assaulted by Maubreuil, 161- 
63; remark of Mademoiselle 
Piceeo pee: 348 and note 1; men- 


tioned, 118 

Talma, Francois Josephs death of, 
160 

Talon, General, reports concerning, 
280 


Tarentaise, the, 247 
Thuret, Mme., 254 


INDEX 


Tonnerre, Cardinal, of Clermont, 
Archbishop of ‘Toulouse, 67 
note 1 

— Duc de Clermont— 
Connection with the Jesuits, 67 
and note 1, 69; transferred to the 
War Office, 120 

— Duchesse de Clermont, 67 note 1 

— Marquis Amédee de Clermont, 


67 note 1 

Toulon, journey of the Dauphin to, 
239 

Tour d’Auvergne, Marie Sophie 


Charlotte de La, 1 note 1 
— du Pin Chambly, Comte de La, 
280 note I 
— Maubourg, M. de La, Minister 
of War, 27 note 2, 30 
Trocadéro, capture of the, exag- 
gerated enthusiasm over, 97-98; 
103-4 
Troppau, Congress of, 47 and note r, 


50° 
Tuileries, Palace of the— 
Duchesse de Berry established 
in, 36; reception of the Duc 
d’Angouléme at, 103; Louis 
XVIII.’s objection to leaving, 
122; the assemblies “‘d’Apparte- 
ment” of Charles X. at, 147- 
48; theatrical performances at, 
149, 180; ball given by the 
Duc de Berry to the Court of 
Naples, 244-46; Duc de Raguse 
established at, 268, 271; aban- 
donment of, 289; after the 
evacuation, 292; story of M. 
de Glandeveés, 299-300 
Turkey, Russian campaign against, 
204-5 


ULTRA Party— 
Intrigues of, 34-37, 93, 175-78; 
anger at the decision of 
Dambray, 37; opposition to the 
Richelieu Ministry, 59-61; pow- 
er over M. de Villéle, 114; 
projects of, 171; joined by the 
Dauphin, 192-94; defeated by 
the Jesuit party, 222 

Undiscoverable Chamber, 6, 30, note 
2, 182 note I 


VALENCE, 221 
— Vicomtesse de, 336 


INDEX 


Vandamme, General, 41 note 2 

Varna, siege of, 204 and note 1 

Vatimenil, M. de, Minister of Edu- 
cation, 178 note I 

Vaulabelle, Histoire de la Restaura- 
tion, quoted, 217 note 3 

Verac, Comte de, 137 

Verona, Congress of, 79 note 1 

Vichy, 252 note 1 

Victoire of Saxe-Coburg (Duchess of 
Kent), 15 note i 

Victor Emanuel I., King of Pied- 
mont, abdication of, 52 and 
note 2 

Victoria, Queen, 15 note I 

Vienna, conference at, 79 note 1 

Vierzon, Mlle. de, 24 

Villefranche, M. de, 209-10 

Villéle, M. de— 
Relations with Mme. du Cayla, 
58, 60; Ministry of, 63-67; 
character, 65-67; attitude tow- 
ards the Congregation, 71-72; 
President of the Council, 80 and 
note 1; at Verona, 81-82; his 
political position, 114-20; at- 
tack on M. de Chateaubriand, 
115-16; policy of, 133-34; oppo- 
sition to the Congregation, 141- 
42; law for conversion of Goy- 
ernment stock, 146-47, 151-52; 
proposed law for the indemnity 
of the émigrés, 149-53; his part 
in the abolition of the National 
Guard, 166-68; relations with 


377 


Villéle, M. de—continued 
Sosthéne de La Rochefoucauld, 
168; projects regarding a fresh 
election, 171; the creation of 
seventy-six peers, 176-78; fall 
of, 178; retires from Paris, 185 

Villeneuve l’Etang, 74 

Vincent, Baron von, Austrian Am- 
bassador— 
Tact of, 145 

— General, his advice to M. de 
Polignac, 293; at Saint Cloud, 
301-2 

Vintimille, Mlle. Duluc de, 17-18 

Virginie, opera dancer, 24 

Vitrolles, M. de, 115, 301 

Vizille, 221 

Vogué, M. de, 5 and note 1 

Voyer d’Argenson, M., 71 note 1 


WALL, General de, 286 

Waterloo, treachery of M. de Bour- 
mont at, 224 

Wellington, Duke of, discussion in 
the Council regarding, 189; 
observation on the marriage of 
the Duc de Berry, 45 

Werther, Baron von, Prussian Min- 
ister at Paris, 310 


YPSILANTI, Prince, insurrection of, 
49 


ZELIE, name of Mme. Princeteau, 32 


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